tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-14172108029976430742024-03-12T17:43:47.802-07:00hidup biasahidup biasa = normal life. because wherever in the world we are, the most normal is to be in struggle. If not then you are only decieving yourself. so here's some news from indonesia in english.kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.comBlogger80125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-78603355046725344212014-06-18T21:30:00.000-07:002014-06-18T21:35:50.272-07:00Chronology of Resitance to the Cement Factory in Rembang 15th -18th June 2014.<b>Sunday 15th June 2014 </b><br />
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On Sunday people from Tegal Dowo and Timbrangan communities in Gunem sub-district that are involved in the Network of Communities Concerned for the Kendeng Mountains in Rembang (JMPPK Rembang), received information that there would be an event to place the first stone for a new Semen Indonesia (Indonesia Cement) factory near their villages. From what they heard, this would take place on Monday 16th June. After receiving this news, local people made plans to go to the planned factory site the next day. <br />
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<b>Monday 16th June </b><br />
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<i>05.30</i> : Groups of community members started arriving at the factory site with the idea of staging an action should the laying of the first stone actually take place. As they approached the area, they were blocked by police, who said that they couldn't go ahead with their action because they had not given the police prior notice of their plans. Despite this problem the local people nevertheless carried out their plan, and kept trying to witness the stone-laying event. The police said that information that the event would take place was not true, only that some people would pray together for the construction of the factory to be successful and go smoothly. <br />
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<i>06.00</i> : As they wanted to move towards the factory site, army officers could be seen approaching. Seeing this, the documentation team started recording what was going on. <br />
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<i>07.30</i> : One more military truck was added to block and disperse the action. The people responded by holding their ground on the road near the factory site. <br />
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<i>08.30</i> : Other community members started to arrive and joined those who were already there. The police and army barked their orders once again, instructing people to go back to their homes because their action was not in line with valid procedures. <br />
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<i>08.45</i> : The army and police forcibly dispersed the action. During this incident four members of the 'community documentation team' that were recording the dispersal were arrested by police, who gave the reason that they did not have press cards. They were even accused of being false journalists. They were held in a police car that was parked a short way from the scene. While this was going on one of the 'community documentation team' managed to escape and went on to give information about what had happened to other participants. <br />
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<i>09.00</i> : During the dispersal two women passed out because of being dragged and thrown about by police. The army also kept up the intimidation, saying "people can be punished by law because the action they are taking is improcedural". <br />
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<i>09.30-10.30</i> : There was no longer anyone present who could document what happened as the police tried to disperse the action. <br />
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<i>11.00</i> : Several members of a "new" documentation team started to enter the area, and the atmosphere remained tense. Police and military continued to search anyone they thought might be part of a community documentation team. <br />
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<i>14.00</i> : The police released the community documentation team they had arrested that morning. <br />
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<i>14.30</i> : The atmosphere on the ground was still one of tension and panic . The other women looked after the two demonstrators who had still not regained consciousness. <br />
<i><br /> 15.00</i> ; Having received news that their colleagues had clashed with the army and police, other villagers from Tegal Dowo and Timbrangan villages started arriving to join the action and show their solidarity. However this action was once again blocked by the police and military, who held their position, preventing the newcomers from approaching and joining the others. <br />
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<i>18.00</i> : Villagers from Tegal Dowo and Timbrangan had a plan to send support consisting of food and lighting to those still taking action. However as they tried to bring this to the action site, the army and police forbade them from bringing it in. The team sending the supplies then went back to the village and left themt in the Timbrangan village head's house. <br />
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<i>18.30</i> : Another team from JMPPK Rembang went back to the area and tried to negotiate with the police and military so that the supplies could be allowed inside. However the police and military responded with the sentence "we're still waiting for orders from above". As this happened the women involved in the action chanted and prayed together. The negotiations were tricky, but eventually supplies were allowed to enter and then the action participants were able to set up an awning. <br />
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<i>20.30</i> : Support and solidarity from the people of Rembang started to arrive. This included medical aid. <br />
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Afterwards, the community were able to hold the area, constructing a tent so they could rest. Army and Police continued to watch over them until the next day. <br />
<b><br />Tuesday, 17th June.</b> <br />
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<i>07.00-12.00</i> : The community were holding their ground at the action location, and sticking to their demands that the plans to construct a cement factory are cancelled and the heavy machinery at the factory site is taken away. On this second day of action, police and military continued their guard around the action. <br />
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<i>12.00-18.00</i> : This action has attracted extra sympathy and support from several groups and organisations from outside Rembang. Representatives or individuals from several areas such as Pati, Blora, Semarang and Yogykarta have ben spotted around the action. <br />
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<i>20.00-23.00</i> : The community is still holding on at the action location despite the rainy conditions. Activities such as prayers and reciting the Koran continue. <br />
<i><br /> 23.00-24.00</i> : As they are trying to sleep, several residents are disturbed by screams coming from several police officers that are still keeping guard around the action. They are screaming "there is no cement factory here". <br />
<b><br />Wednesday 18th June. </b><br />
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<i>07.00-12.00</i> : The community are still at the action site and are still demanding that plans for the cement factory are cancelled and the heavy machinery in the factory site is taken away. On this third action day, the army and police are still guarding close to the action site. <br />
<i><br /> 12.00-14.00</i> : The rain falls once again, but the community are still managing to hang on. <br />
<i><br /> 18.00-20.00</i> : The community read the Koran and pray together at the action. <br />
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<i>20.00-22.00</i> : The head of Gunem subdistrict visits the action. His/her arrival heralds a acrimonious debate with the action participants. <br />
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<i>23.00-24.00</i> : The community maintain their presence at the action site.<br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Source: selamatkanbumi <a href="http://selamatkanbumi.com/ID/kronologi-aksi-rembang/">http://selamatkanbumi.com/ID/kronologi-aksi-rembang/ </a></i></span><br />
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Twitter : #saverembang #stopsemenindonesia<br />
Solidarity actions have taken place, or are planned in Semarang, Blora, Palembang and Yogyakartakassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-4031580341945308082014-06-18T05:43:00.002-07:002014-06-18T05:43:51.326-07:00Repression greets Rembang people's action against cement factory.<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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Tensions rose at an action by the local people of Rembang to resist a quarry and cement factory today, Monday 16th June 2014. Since the morning, at least three platoons of police, a company of military, and dozens of hired thugs had kept guard over the area where it was planned to lay the first stone of PT Semen Indonesia's proposed plant in Gunem subdistrict, Rendang, Central Java. A water cannon was ready to disperse the demonstrators who were had not agreed to the project, and all access points to the factory site were blocked by state security forces. <br /><br /> This action was a last resort after local people's voices had been gagged for so long, their struggle always met with intimidation, police and hired thugs responding with acts of repression time and time again. In this latest action, mostly by women and farmers, clashes were also unavoidable. Military were also sent in to search family members who were hiding at the road junction leading to the factory. <br /><br /> Several of the mothers involved in the action were injured or fainted, and other residents were also injured. However, the military blocked anyone trying to help the victims and prohibited a waiting ambulance from entering the area. <br /><br /> Four community members who were documenting the events were arrested and accused of being fake journalists,and were held in a police vehicle for several hours. Although they were eventually released, their cameras were confiscated. <br /><br /> It appeared that several journalists from different media organisations had received instructions from the cement company, so they didn't report this action. Meanwhile, friends who wanted to show their solidarity and try to document the action were forbidden to enter the area from the morning on. Searches continued to affect all efforts to document the action, everyone who was involved was made to show a press card. <br /><br /> Guarded by army and police, a truck full of worshippers was seen entering the factory site, said to be representatives of religious scholars affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama, who were being brought in to say prayers as the first stone was laid. However, Nahdlatul Ulama members strongly criticised this tactic of creating inter-community conflict, as many local Nahdlatul Ulama leaders had already clearly stated their opposition to building a cement factory, as stated in their press release last May. <br /><br /> Until the afternoon, the people continued to occupy the junction leading to the factory site. They also carried out collective prayers whilst tightly encircled by security forces. Their plan was to spend the night in the area and the blockade would continue until their demands were met for all physical work on the factory to stop and the machinery removed from the area. <br /><br />
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<i> Let's show solidarity in any way we can.</i> <br /><br /> Let's go to the area and help our brothers and sisters there. Let's report the truth about the repression. Let's spread the demand to cancel all cement quarries in the Kendeng mountains. You can also send text messages to the Central Java Provincial Governor Ganjar Pranowo (+62 811990931) and the Rembang police chief Kurniawan (+62 8131101199) <br /><i><br /> Let's reaffirm the strength of popular struggles! </i><br />
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<a href="http://selamatkanbumi.com/ID/aksi-warga-rembang-tolak-pabrik-semen-direpresi-aparat/rembang2/" rel="prettyPhoto[slides]" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" title="rembang2"><img alt="Aparat Menyisir Kaum Ibu Peserta Aksi" class="attachment-thumbnail" src="http://selamatkanbumi.com/selamatkan-bumi/uploads/2014/06/rembang2-215x175.jpg" style="opacity: 0.7;" /></a></div>
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<a href="http://selamatkanbumi.com/selamatkan-bumi/uploads/2014/06/rembang5.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Ibu-ibu Berdzikir di Dalam Tenda" class="size-medium wp-image-1629 alignleft" height="239" src="http://selamatkanbumi.com/selamatkan-bumi/uploads/2014/06/rembang5-300x239.jpg" style="opacity: 0.7;" title="Ibu-ibu Berdzikir di Dalam Tenda" width="300" /></a><br /> [photos from the site taken from twitter @omahkendeng] <br /><br />LATEST UPDATE (18.51 pm West Indonesia Time, Monday 16th June). A tent belonging to the Rembang people which is still standing near to the factory site is being trashed by police and military officers. Giving the reason that the police chief has given orders, the crowd, which is dominated by mothers, have been forbidden to bring light to the area. Food supplies have also been stopped.<br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Source Selamatkanbumi.com<a href="http://selamatkanbumi.com/ID/aksi-warga-rembang-tolak-pabrik-semen-direpresi-aparat/"> http://selamatkanbumi.com/ID/aksi-warga-rembang-tolak-pabrik-semen-direpresi-aparat/</a></span><br /><br />
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kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-27741601288850299922014-01-07T14:51:00.002-08:002014-01-07T15:22:52.658-08:00A Look Back at some Agrarian Conflicts in 2013<b>A translation of Mongabay-Indonesia's review of some of the clashes over access to land which arose in Indonesia during 2013, based on reports on that website. Of course it only reports a small fraction of the incidents which occurred, but still gives a good overview of the diversity of community struggles for land and livelihood, drawing on news from around the archipelago. </b> <br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Rosimah, taking part in the Action. Since December 10th she has camped out on the National Human Rights Commission back veranda. Photo: Andreas Harsono </td></tr>
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Rosimah was reclining on a wooden bench that afternoon. She was sitting on a covered veranda behind the National Human Rights Commission building, on Jalan Latuharhary, Menteng, Central Jakarta, just a few meters away from the Nabahan Dormitory.<br />
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Rosminah spoke haltingly. Sometimes she was silent. “It's hard to think. Too much to think about. I don't know what I want any more.” She spoke slowly. It was clear she was holding back tears. Her lips were trembling. “In the end we came here from Jambi, we want to demand what is rightfully ours.” <br />
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Since 10th December 2013, this women in her fifties has been occupying this building along with dozens of other members of the <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/12/13/puluhan-tahun-berlanjut-asiatic-persada-terus-memakan-korban-suku-anak-dalam/">Suku Anak Dalam</a> 113 community. They stay on the veranda, and sleep there at night. An emergency kitchen has been built, protected by a tarpaulin, with a surface to prepare food and cooking utensils. It is a sharp contrast with the luxury buildings that abound in this rich part of the capital. <br />
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They are there to demand the return of their customary land which has been claimed by an oil palm company, PT Asiatic Persada. They are also demanding that this company's land use permit (HGU) is revoked. <br />
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Rosimah lived in Pinang Tinggi village, Batanghari, Jambi. Her home and garden are considered to be part of the company's concession. “It's all gone, our two houses pulled down. Rubber trees, durian trees, rambutan, cempedak, the company destroyed them all.” <br />
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Yet, she says, her ancestors have always lived there. “This was the land of my grandmother, I was born there, I have six children, they're all grown up now, lots of grandchildren were living there. And now it's all gone...” <br />
<a name='more'></a>Ruslan, another Suku Anak Dalam community member taking action, said that the National Human Rights Commission had sent letters to the National Land Agency and local government. They were currently awaiting news from the agency. “We are going to stay here until the National Land Agency sets a timetable for hearing the case,” he said. <br />
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Mahyudin, from the Peduli Bangsa Institude which supports the Suku Anak Dalam, spoke with a similar tone, “We will only return to Jambi if the National Land Agency sets a schedule for addressing the case.” <br />
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Land conflicts in this country never cease. The conflict between the Suku Anak Dalam and PT Asiatic Persada is only one of hundreds. Their action to demand justice in the capital, was the closing act of the year. <br />
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A <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/12/22/konflik-agraria-2013-meningkat-21-warga-tewas-30-tertembak/">Consorsium for Agrarian Reform (KPA) Report</a> revealed that agrarian conflicts increased in 2013. This year, the number of fatalities rose drastically, by 522%. In 2012 three people were killed, but this year that rose to 21. Other victims included 30 people shot, 130 victims of violence, and 239 people arrested. The perpetrators of violence in 2013 were most frequently police, in 47 cases, followed by company security guards in 29 cases and the military in nine cases. <br />
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During 2013 the KPA noted 369 agrarian conflicts, involving a total 1,281,660.09 hectares of land and 139,874 families. Conflicts with plantations took first place with 180 cases (48.78%) followed by infrastructure (105 cases or 28.46%), mining (38 cases or 10.3%) forestry (31 cases or 8.4%) shoreline development (9 cases or 2.44%), plus another six cases (1.63%). In other words, more than one conflict a day breaks out, involving on average 383 families or 1532 individuals over an area of 312 hectares. <br />
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What follows is Mongabay's round-up of some of the land and natural resource conflicts that occurred in Indonesia during 2013. <br />
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The first story is from 9th January, when <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/01/09/aliansi-rakyat-cabut-izin-penambangan-pasir-laut-serang/">community members together with the People's Alliance to Criticize Sea Sand Mining took action in front of the Serang District Head's building in Banten Province</a>. They were demanding that the District Head should revoke the permit to extract sand from the Lontar coast and the whole Serang Regency. <br />
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They were also demanding a stop to the issuance of new permits to manage marine or coastal areas by mining companies. After long protests, the community elicited a small victory. The Serang District Head, A. Taufik Nuriman, called a temporary halt to sand mining when he issued decision document 540/02-Huk. BPTM/2013, which temporarily prevented PT Jetstar from operating, dated 9th January 2013. <br />
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According to the District Head's decision, this halt would be used to re-examine the case for mining, involving relevant stake holders, local government, business and the community. Unfortunately the company was only stopped for a moment. The Serang Government's evaluation was inconclusive and now the sand mine is back in operation once more. <br />
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Still in January, the conflict between residents and PTPN VII Cinta Manis unit heated up once more. Police arrested and harassed people as they celebrated the Prophet Muhammed's birthday holiday on disputed land in Betung village, Lubuk Keliat sub-district, Ogan Ilir Regency, South Sumatra on Friday 25th January. In the incident, one person was arrested, Suardi bin Damiri (32) and five people were left with bruises after being beaten by police officers aided by company thugs. <br />
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The matter didn't end there. An action of around 500 people made up of activists from different civil society organisations from South Sumatra and Ogan Ilir peasants ended up in clashes with the police outside South Sumatra police headquarters on Tuesday 29th January <br />
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The security forces' attack on demonstrators in the pouring rain meant that many activists and farmers were injured, including Anwar Sadat, Executive Director of Walhi South Sumatra, who was spattered with blood from a head wound. <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/01/29/polisi-hajar-dan-tangkap-aktivis-walhi-sumsel-dan-petani/">In that action, around 25 people were arrested, 11 of which were held at the provincial police headquarters, and 14 at the Palembang City police HQ</a>. <br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The action of farmers and their supporters outside South Sumatra police HQ, moments before it kicked off. Photo: Walhi Sumsel</td></tr>
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In February, the land confict between PT Toba Pulp Lestari and the Pandumaan Sipituhuta indigenous group in Humbang Hasundutan Regency, North Sumatra, flared up once more on the 25th of the month. This occurred because Toba Pulp Lestari started planting eucalytus on the Benzoin (Styrax) Forest in Dolok Ginjang, although an agreement had been reached to call a halt to the planting. The people protested which lead to clashes with Toba Pulp Lestari workers. <br />
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<a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/02/26/konflik-lahan-dengan-pt-tpl-16-warga-pandumaan-sipituhuta-tersangka/">Worst of all, police mobile brigade guarding the company arrested around 31 people, 16 of which were held and charged, and another 15 set free.</a> The situation in Humbang Hasundutan still remains tense. <br />
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Those arrested included, from Sipituhuta village: Hanup Marbun (37), Leo Marbun(40), Onri Marbun (35), Jusman Sinambela (50), Jaman Lumban Batu (40), Roy Marbun (35), Fernando Lumbangaol (30), Filter Lumban Batu (45), Daud Marbun (35) and from Pandumaan village: Elister Lumbangaol (45) Janser Lumbangaol (35) Poster Pasaribu (32), Madilaham Lumbangaol (32) Tumpal Pandiangan (40). <br />
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On 4th March, community members, together with the Popular Front of Struggle of Tojo Una-una Mining Victims and Jatam Central Sulawesi, took action at a port belonging to PT Arthaindo Jaya Abadi in Podi village, Tojo Una-una Regency, Central Sulawesi. <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/03/04/ancam-lingkungan-warga-tojo-una-una-desak-tambang-arthaindo-jaya-dihentikan/">They were demanding an end to nickel mining activities that would potentially damage the environment in their area.</a> <br />
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Around 100 people gathered, including children, women and young people. They assembled in Kayu Nyole at 9.26 am. Kayu Nyole is the second housing development built to relocate the people of Tojo who were victims of the flash floods on the Podi river in 2007. <br />
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The people had good reason to oppose the mine. PT Arthaindo Jaya Abadi's mine has the potential to create big problems for the people of Podi village, as well as threatening trans-Sulawesi traffic travelling from Banggai Regency through Pos to Palu and Makassar cities. The company is digging upstream of the village where the Podi River cuts a narrow channel between two mountains which is being blocked by excavated material. <br />
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On Monday 3rd June, <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/06/07/weda-bay-nickel-berkonflik-dengan-masyarakat-adat-hutan-lindung-pun-terancam/">people blocked the road that PT Weda Bay Nickel and PT Tekindo had constructed, starting from 7am until 1pm</a>. The residents of Desa Woe Jarana, Woe Kobe and Kulo Jaya, Central Weda sub-district, wanted to give a message to the mining companies not to disturb their ancestral lands. <br />
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Weda Bay Nickel holds a concession covering 54,874 hectares, the largest in Indonesia. Around 35,155 hectares of this is located in protected forest. So it is not only causing agrarian conflict, but also blatant environmental destruction. <br />
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Since it first appeared on the scene in 1999, the company has been in conflict with the Sawai and Tobelo Dalam indigenous groups. Now it is ready to start commercial exploitation. The factory has been built. The indigenous people are threatened with being pushed off the land of their ancestors. <br />
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A similar threat is facing indigenous people in Central Kalimantan. Their customary forest is facing the threat of being turned into an oil palm plantation owned by PT Kalimantan Hamparan Sawit. <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/06/01/lindungi-hutan-adat-jadi-kebun-sawit-warga-mantuhei-pasang-hinting-pali/">Indigenous Dayak people from Tumbang Mantuhei, Mahuning Raya sub-district, Gunung Mas Regency, set up a customary blockade or 'hinting pali' on 25th May 2013.</a> <br />
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The Dayak people, part of the Badehen Eka Balindung community, were worried that the forest that has always supported them and their environment would be destroyed to become an oil palm plantation.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5WUxcpPyt97nBFDkpePZBtuJ5fcKxeyy-rkyWCfeOsRXqTHvDQHP7-WtxCiXc4A3Vg-bWDVN2vBvZOserDwjIvzirCNeQd2d87GNAgl3zc0VwH-ySNLk3IFDplM4lfb8hCPAmfk_D5Cs/s1600/hinting-pali-485505_10151683186527792_928574926_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5WUxcpPyt97nBFDkpePZBtuJ5fcKxeyy-rkyWCfeOsRXqTHvDQHP7-WtxCiXc4A3Vg-bWDVN2vBvZOserDwjIvzirCNeQd2d87GNAgl3zc0VwH-ySNLk3IFDplM4lfb8hCPAmfk_D5Cs/s1600/hinting-pali-485505_10151683186527792_928574926_n.jpg" height="213" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">The Mantuhei people's hinting pali ritual, a customary blockade to forbid the company to clear forest on their land. Photo: Save our Borneo</td></tr>
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Still in June, Mongabay recorded clashes between residents and police mobile brigade. <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/07/12/pasca-bentrok-tak-hanya-setop-sementara-tinjau-ulang-kontrak-karya-indo-muro/">PT Indo Muro Kencana's mining operation in Murung Raya regency</a>, Central Kalimantan, was temporarily halted after the clases between berunak (tailings miners) and police mobile brigade guarding the company on Saturday 29th June. <br />
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On Saturday afternoon, thousands of people known locally as berunak (who look for gold in the waste from the corporate mine) attacked the gold mining company PT Indomuro Kencana in Mangkahui village, Siang Selatan sub-district, Murung Raya regency, Centra Kalimantan. Four members of the police mobile brigade ended up with stab wounds and one resident was shot.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuzQafXpR59fXSBOXBk8XvSJEVNZ_-aP7ynYF7MCMWNRM8Y1umpNpWAFMEgyiC4WvZmKRt1O_YUV7G2y0KS1FgDSDtX04P6RPIc2D1MO991HPbq2YwplZ6sN45YsxVUOCqRY6V_n_i_p0/s1600/PIt-Serujan1-862127_4553578366146_1357903678_n2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuzQafXpR59fXSBOXBk8XvSJEVNZ_-aP7ynYF7MCMWNRM8Y1umpNpWAFMEgyiC4WvZmKRt1O_YUV7G2y0KS1FgDSDtX04P6RPIc2D1MO991HPbq2YwplZ6sN45YsxVUOCqRY6V_n_i_p0/s1600/PIt-Serujan1-862127_4553578366146_1357903678_n2.jpg" height="213" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">PT Indomura Kencana's mine is polluting rivers as well as being a threat to indigenous cultures. Photo: Perkumpulan Punan Arung Buana (PPAB) Kalteng</td></tr>
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The police mobile brigade officers are tasked with guarding the gold mine, owned by an Australian investor, on a daily basis. Reports by the JPNN Group Media indicate that thousands of berunak rioted because they had heard that one of their colleagues had been shot by the police. In their anger, they then gathered and attacked the mine's offices at its base camp. <br />
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It wasn't only the mine employee's camp that was burnt. The gold processing plant, dozens of vehicles and an employees' housing complex were also burnt down. News circulated that six police mobile brigade officers had been killed, but it turned out that they were only injured. To aid the police, army officers were deployed to the gold mining company. The situation gradually calmed down. <br />
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On July 25th, <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/07/25/27-organisasi-desak-pbb-perhatikan-suku-malind-yang-terancam-mifee/">27 civil society organisations concerned with human rights and the environment from Indonesia, Inggris and Germany sent a 40 paragraph letter</a> to the Commission on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination/CERD in Geneva. <br />
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They were urging and recommending this UN Commission to address and consider the plight of the Marind and other indigenous peoples in Merauke Regency, Papua, threatened by the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE). <br />
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Still in the month of July, the long-running land conflict between the people of Pantap village, Kuala Kuayan, East Kotawaringin Regency, Central Kalimantan and PT Bumi Sawit Kencana, heated up once more. Clashes occurred between dozens of residents and security guards working for the oil palm company, a subsidiary of the Wilmar Group, on 23rd July. The people also burnt down two security outposts. <br />
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The conflicts kept on happening. Going into August, indigenous people in Bagaraga, Wardik and Tokas Villages in Wayer and Moswaren districts, South Sorong Regency <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/08/02/hak-ulayat-terampas-7-marga-sorong-selatan-gugat-perusahaan-hph/">accused forestry company PT Bangun Kayu Irian of taking over their customary lands in the Nawir area</a>. <br />
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The people represented seven different clans: Saman, Yaru Homer, Homer, Tigori, Smur, Fna and Wato. The company's licence to operate was issued by the Forestry Minister on 4th January 1993, to use a 299,000 hectare concession over 20 years. <br />
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In September, around 29 residents representing four villages in Mantangai sub-district, slept over in the Kuala Kapuas District Head's office in Central Kalimantan. The residents of Desa Sei Ahas, Katimpun, Kalumpung and Pulau Kaladan took this protest because they had not received a definitive answer about land claimed by an oil palm company, PT Rezeki Alam Semesta Raya <br />
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<a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/09/12/lahan-adat-dicaplok-sawit-puluhan-warga-mantangai-nginap-di-kantor-bupati/">In fact, the District Head and Provincial Governor had already written letters ordering that any large-scale permits that are still not 'clean and clear' should be revoked.</a> Although mediation meetings had already taken place several times, there was still no clear decision about the 2922 hectares of land belonging to the people. <br />
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In the same month, the people of Sungai Bungur village, Jambi Province, protested because a company had not handed over 225 hectares of land which it was supposed to. The worst of it was that they had to pay billions of Rupiah debt repayments on the land which was still in the company's control! <br />
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<a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/09/23/1-000-an-warga-muaro-jambi-akan-duduki-kebun-sawit-makin-group/">As a reaction to this, on National Farming Day, Tuesday 24th September, residents of Sungai Bungur village</a>, Kumpeh Ilir sub-district, Muaro Jambi Regency, occupied their land which was under the control of the oil palm company PT Puri Hijau Lestari (PHL), a subsidiary of the Makin Group. <br />
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Also this month, <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/09/27/konflik-tambang-pulau-bangka-memanas-kaka-slank-bikin-petisi/">it kicked off on Bangka Island, North Minahasa, North Sulawesi</a>. The popular opposition to a mining company surged once more. This time, residents monitored all areas to obstruct the planned construction of a wharf which they believed would be infrastructure to support the mine. <br />
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On Thursday and Friday 26th-27th September, the people of Kahuku village attempted to obstruct drilling equipment believed to be owned by PT Mikgro Metal Perdana. First of all they heard that the machines belonged to the government agency of public works. However, that agency had not said anything about any plans, which triggered the community's suspicions. “If it were true that the drilling machines belong to the Agency for Public Works, they would have given the community notice,” said Merty Katulung, a local resident on Friday 27th September. <br />
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The people took action to obstruct and chase away the machines. A boat transporting the machine was bombarded with stones. The community was furious since they had never received a positive response when they expressed their opinion. <br />
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Police officers were on high alert. Nevertheless, there were almost clashes between police and the community. Merty said that the police forcibly ensured that the drilling machine could land. However the community were of the opinion that the police's role should be to ensure the situation remains calm, not just take the company's side. <br />
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On 4th October, hundreds of peasants from Kebun Sei Merah village, Tanjung Morawa sub-district, Deli Serdang Regency, North Sumatra, were involved in riots with police officers from the Deli Serdang police headquarters. <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/10/05/kala-polri-tni-dan-satpol-pp-bergerak-usir-petani-demi-pt-lonsum/">The peasants defended their land that had been handed down from generation to generation but was now 'owned' by PT London Sumatra (Lonsum)</a>. Police were aided by army troops and Deli Serdang municipal guards to guard the company and try to evict the farmers. <br />
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The peasants tried to retain the 360 hectares of land and prevent the forces of law and order from destroying their huts. Each side pushed forward, drew back and also exchanged blows. However in the end the hundreds of peasants weren't strong enough. The push and shove with the municipal guards ran aground after police moved in and forcibly dispersed the peasants. Three peasants that tried to resist with spears and hoes were arrested and brought to the Deli Serdang police headquarters.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0SE3m881Haj8Kmw16E8-wJvv0VXy1mJ8CLHK8bE_U4bz3c32qJtME5fpbq1DKaZnnu4sX2PfTbUHrGVi03HYByExKvdmLvDwVPcpwdAzjDYMS8l_Ytzli0Ec2joJqYAlJ4T-WaTK9ECY/s1600/lonsum1-Gubuk-Petani-dirubuhkan.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0SE3m881Haj8Kmw16E8-wJvv0VXy1mJ8CLHK8bE_U4bz3c32qJtME5fpbq1DKaZnnu4sX2PfTbUHrGVi03HYByExKvdmLvDwVPcpwdAzjDYMS8l_Ytzli0Ec2joJqYAlJ4T-WaTK9ECY/s1600/lonsum1-Gubuk-Petani-dirubuhkan.jpg" height="213" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">A peasant's shack built on disputed land is destroyed by municipal guards. Photo: Ayat S Karokaro</td></tr>
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Moving on to November, <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/11/05/konflik-reklamasi-pantai-sario-tumpaan-dprd-segera-tinjau-lapangan/">tensions built up around the coastal reclamation at Sario Tumpaan beach, Manado city, North Sulawesi.</a> On 19th October, several fisherfolk had been wounded as a result of clashes with PT Kembang Utara's security guards. The District Legislative Council also allowed them to voice their opinion on 4th November, but without reaching agreement. <br />
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Marko Tampi, Secretary of the District Legislative Council Commission A, said after that meeting that the boundaries of the open coastline in the mediation document were already clearly defined. In paragraph three, for example, it was explained that the land was bounded in the north by PT Kembang Utara, in the South by 16 percent land of the Manado City Government, in the west by Manado Bay and in the East by Pierre Tendean Road. <br />
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<a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/11/30/tolak-sawit-petani-banggai-ditangkapi/">In Banggai Regency, Central Sulawesi, in November, local people were arrested for opposing oil palm.</a> The people there were worried about the environmental and social impacts. It's undeniable that nearly all the rural inhabitants of Banggai oppose oil palm plantations. <br />
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However the peasants' resistance was met with intimidation from the company, which ended up with the police making arrests. This was the fate which befell two farmers from Honbola village, Batui sub-district. Yoktan Kinding and Ham Kinding are currently being held at the Banggai police headquarters, after they were named as suspects and summoned. <br />
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The detention of these two farmers was based on a report of workers from PT Delta Subur Permai, a subsidiary of PT Kencana Agri. The two were charged with criminal damage to company assets. <br />
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The incident in question started on 16th November 2013, when residents blocked the road and proceeded to the company's offices. When they arrived, security guards were angry and intimidated the local people with machetes. These actions triggered the anger of the demonstrators from Honbola village. They started rioting, smashing the windows of an excavator and also damaging part of the offices. <br />
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Finally on 26th November 2013, the Banggai police station summoned four local people; Salmon, Kiki, Nandito and Keng, all charged with the same offences. Two days later, the police also issued a summons, bringing charges against another resident of Honbola village. <br />
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As the year ended, the conflicts only got more intense, On the morning of December 2nd, <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/12/02/konflik-petani-takalar-ptpn-xiv-memanas-brimob-tembaki-warga/">residents of North Polongbangkeng sub-district clashed with police mobile brigade. </a>As a result, one resident, Yunus Daeng Empo, received a bullet in his right thigh. <br />
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The incident was triggered by PTPN XIV's plans to take over land which was still disputed, in a case still being heard by the supreme court. Hearing of this plan, dozens of residents turned up at the site which was being guarded by 10-20 police mobile brigade officers from the South Sumatra police headquarters. Tensions rose as PTPN XIV ignored the people's protests. Yunus Daeng Empo was shot in the leg as he tried to stop work on the land.<br />
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In Jambi, <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/12/10/perusahaan-kelapa-sawit-asiatic-persada-usir-paksa-suku-anak-dalam/">hundreds of members of the Indonesian Army and Police Mobile Brigade oversaw PT Asiatic Persada's eviction of the Bathin Sembilan indigenous people</a>, known as the Suku Anak Dalam 113 in Padang Salak, Bungku village, Bajubang sub-district, Batanghari, on 7th December. <br />
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The eviction started at around 16.00. At that time most people were at work in their farms. Suddenly 1500 troops from the joint police, military and company forces attacked and destroyed their houses with excavators and sharp weapons such as machetes. <br />
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Another case, where indigenous people from the Semende Clan who are living in the Bukit Barisan Selatan National Park are being cleared from their land, is still ongoing. <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/12/23/bersihkan-taman-nasional-rumah-masyarakat-adat-semende-kembali-dibakar-petugas/">After burning a traditional meeting-house, on 23rd December forest police arrested four indigenous residents of Nasal sub-district, Kaur Regency, Bengkulu province.</a> They had fallen foul of a recent law to avoid and eliminate forest destruction.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhIdN-lajF_FpkSc6dd2r65Fjh0j125Ag6LGGuPJKlQlr3hS2D7E1JhnrujHYITe1vxUuzmZAq9ggq7JjmmK7qQq7CJSUmY-64-QTNR8xGj9vlZoB3X_faanUqpd6MB08PUtkIQhD62Pc0/s1600/semende-banding3-DSC00362.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhIdN-lajF_FpkSc6dd2r65Fjh0j125Ag6LGGuPJKlQlr3hS2D7E1JhnrujHYITe1vxUuzmZAq9ggq7JjmmK7qQq7CJSUmY-64-QTNR8xGj9vlZoB3X_faanUqpd6MB08PUtkIQhD62Pc0/s1600/semende-banding3-DSC00362.jpg" height="160" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Semende traditional meeting house, burned down by forest police. Photo AMAN Bengkulu </td></tr>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Source: Mongabay Indonesia <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/12/30/kilas-balik-konflik-2013-dari-protes-tambang-pasir-hingga-suku-anak-dalam-yang-kehilangan-lahan/">http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/12/30/kilas-balik-konflik-2013-dari-protes-tambang-pasir-hingga-suku-anak-dalam-yang-kehilangan-lahan/</a></i></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Author: Sapariah Saturi</i></span></div>
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kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-82703387831033916982013-12-28T21:27:00.002-08:002013-12-28T21:27:55.183-08:00David Versus Goliath in the Aru Islands<br /><br /> <br /><a href="http://awasmifee.potager.org/uploads/2013/12/masyrakat-adat-saleram.jpg"><img src="http://awasmifee.potager.org/uploads/2013/12/masyrakat-adat-saleram.jpg" /></a>In December 2013, PT Menara Group is meant to start operations in Aru. That’s according to the Menara Group’s work schedule which has become general knowledge amongst government officials in Maluku Province and Aru Regency, especially Maluku’s caretaker governor Saut Situmorang. <br /><br />How can that have come about? The officials claim that all the permits are issued according to procedure, there are no problems with the environmental impact assessment, and the people of Aru raise no objections. If there are some people who object, it is only a handful of people, who are not the customary landowners. Can this all be true? <br /><br />The call to Save Aru has become a global movement. School and university students, academics, researchers, NGO activists, nature lovers, journalists, artists, religious teachers, all sorts of groups from across five continents have echoed the cry to Save Aru. Petitions have taken off, songs have been sung, performances staged, poetry inspired. The fire of resistance continues to grow. <br /><br />The giant consorsium PT Menara Group plans to develop sugar-cane plantations in the Land of Aru, the land called Jargaria. It has ambitions to take control of around 500 thousand hectares for this purpose. Before planting this vast plantation and building a sugar factory, first of all it would clear-fell the forest, full of top-quality timber such as meranti, linggua, ironwood and so on. This would inevitably be an ecological disaster, as birds of paradise and other wildlife endemic to Aru are cleared from their natural habitat. This is the Menara Group’s plan which is meeting vehement challenges from the Save Aru movement around the world. <a name='more'></a><br /><br />Although resistance to the Menara Group is snowballing, such a giant company is tougher than sago porridge and crackers. The company continues to show its strength as an iron-willed capitalist that knows no surrender. Its manoeuvres continue apace, like an octopus with tentacles that keep on capturing powerful and important people around this republic . So serious are they with this aim Menara Group personnel have even asked for the support of Mercy Barends, a heroine of Aru, known for her persistent opposition to the company. <br /><br />“We have already spent a lot of money here. We want Aru’s timber because across Indonesia the timber is all gone. We tried to move in to Yamdena but a forestry concession had already been issued there,” a Menara Group employee said to Mercy. <br /><br />Menara Group have unlimited funds. An Abu Dhabi oil company and industrial giant Samsung from Korea have shares in the Menara Group. Because of this they can use the language of money to embrace friends and subjugate opponents. With this money, the Menara Group is able to win over officials at the national and regional levels, both civilians and military. <br /><br />It is also with money that Menara Group is able to influence government decisions about who should become Caretaker Governor of Maluku Province and Caretaker Bupati in Aru. All of this to ensure the company can enter Aru without problems. <br /><br />Menara Group has also entertained members of the Aru District Legislative Council, Maluku Provincial Legislative Council, and officials in Aru Regency and Maluku Province. Because of this, the company has managed to embrace almost everyone with an interest in granting permits to the Menara Group, and have got an agreement that a sugar-cane plantation can go ahead in Aru. A photo album of an event where Aru District Council members were hosted by Menara Group has been obtained by Maluku Online. Similarly, many Menara Group employees were seen to attend the wedding reception of a child of a Department of Trade official. <br /><br />Caretaker Governor Saut Situmorang is one of those who Menara Group has contrived to smooth the way for its entry to Aru. The same thing has happened in Aru Regency. Abraham Gainau is the caretaker Bupati (District Head) who is also in the same position – smoothing the way for the Menara Group. Abraham was previously the Aru District Secretary and is in the same clique as Tedhy Tengko – the former Bupati of Aru who is currently a corruption convict in Sukamiskin Prison It was Tengko who first opened the door for the Menara Group, by issuing a recommendation without a prior Environmental Impact Assessment. <br /><br />When Commission B of the Maluku Provincial Representative Council summoned technical bodies and also Menara Group directors and commissioners, these big men went first to meet with Saut Situmorang in the Maluku governor’s office. Saut then directed his staff to appease Menara Group with supporting regulations. <br /><br />At the moment Menara group have arrived at villages bringing large quantities of cash in plastic bags, escorted by police and the military. They have already brought heavy machinery which is ready to tear down the forest. They are currently trying to persuade village heads and landowners to sign over their land to the Menara Group. Most recently, when they arrived at Desa Popjetur several days ago, the head of the Siarukim clan emphatically refused this large sum of money, and is still not prepared to surrender the land to the Menara Group. <br /><br />Menara Group and its lackeys have started to take concrete steps to weaken the resistance of the Save Aru movement. Amongst other tactics they have made statements to the press, anonymous or threatening text messages, provoked conflict, tried to make others take the blame. Amongst others, one strategy has been to accuse Save Aru activists of being funded by rival company PT Nusa Ina, ie. that PT Nusa Ina had paid for all the acts of resistance. This allegation continues to be built up with the aim of fomenting antipathy and at the same time dividing the movement resisting the Menara Group. The people of Aru should be very careful of this politics of divide and conquer. <br /><br />The company has stated that the people of Aru agree with the sugar-cane plantation, it is only activists that oppose it. This is also a false statement. By now Save Aru movement has grown widely, and it all began when Ursia and Urlima community leaders visited the Maluku Protestant Church’s Research and Development board to request the help of Father Jacky Manuputty to deal with the threat from the Menara Group. Kalesang Institute Maluku in Ambon and the Aru Indigenous Youth Coalition in Dobo have already collected 71 signatures of village heads in Aru, that on the whole oppose the Menara Group. In total there are 117 villages, 10 sub-villages (dusun) and two other administrative areas (kelurahan). The other villages have not yet been reached, because of the difficulty of the terrain and because activists do not have sufficient time or resources to reach every last corner of Aru. <br /><br />The Menara Group has also made a statement to the press that the PT Menara Group’s permits are in accordance with regulations, including the Environmental Impact Assessment. This statement is a lie, since the environmental assessment was only produced after Tedhy Tengko issued his recommendation, followed by former Maluku Governor Karel Ralahalu’s recommendation <br /><br />How can the Environmental Impact Assessment possibly be true? According to land expert Prof. Dr J. E. Loihenapessy, 85% of the land surface of Aru consists of coral, and only 15% alluvial sediments. It is not possible to develop a sugar-cane plantation on this land, so it should not be possible to issue an environmental impact assessment. If one was produced, it must contain irregularities. Environment expert Dr. Abraham Tulalessy claims that he had reminded the Environmental Impact Assessment Cmmission when it met, that Menara Group’s permit and environmental assessment process infringes regulations and that has legal implications. <br /><br />“We could all end up in prison,” said Tulalessy. <br /><h3>
Last Defence </h3>
<br />The Menara Group has already got a hold on the centre of power in Jakarta, and also at the provincial and regency level. Bureaucrats, politicians and other adventurers are making money from becoming the Menara Group’s servants, loyal to the company and hoping for rewards. They have become blind to the actual situation in Aru and deaf so they cannot hear the screams of the Jarjui people. In short, they no longer are touched by feeling. They only care about money. <br /><br />The industrial giant’s current main target is to win the hearts of landowners in the villages of Aru. As usual, they come as if they had blown in from the heavens, a good company that will provide employment and bring economic security. What’s more, the Menara Group has several experts in initiating polite communication with the public, that can build up sympathy from villagers for their industrial project. <br /><br />Promises of economic security are an addictive drug that is sure to get people high. Throughout Maluku’s history, there has not been one single large investment or industry which has been able to bring prosperity to the people. The Dutch East Indies company cultivated cloves and nutmeg and other crops, cajuput oil on Buru, oil on Bula, Nickel on Gebe, Gold on Wetar. Then came hundreds of logging concessions in Suharto’s New Order era, on Halmahera, Bacan, Obi, Taliabu, Buru, Seram and Wetar, and not one of them brought security. The companies catching fish and prawns are also not bringing prosperity. Now the Menara Group consortium wants to fell Aru’s forests, turn them into sugar-cane and promises that this will bring security? This is truly the biggest lie of the twenty-first century, with the world on fire as it is now. <br /><br />But that is what companies which exploit nature are like, they use everything in their power to destroy the forest with beautiful acts of deception. Within the last two years alone, Menara Group has brought many experts from around Indonesia and abroad to the area. They have come from Bogor, Papua, Japan, Korea, England, Netherlands, Germany and even Africa. There are land experts, expert in aerial photography. They use satellite imagery to calculate the value of the timber that can be harvested, or they facilitate operational permits for the company, or with cultivation permit in hand, relieve the land owners of their land. <br /><br />A positive image, promises of security and cash placed in front of their eyes, surely can break through anyone’s defences. Thankfully though, the people of Aru are not soft. They will stand firm, like the trunks of the mangroves that enclose Aru like a green heaven. Their roots grasp the seabed while their branches reach for the sky. Examples such as that shown by the Siarukim clan chief in Popjetor gladden their hearts. Menara Group came with all their money, security guards, smiles and seduction, but were still rejected. <br /><br />This is proof of the Aru people’s strength. The customary landowners of Aru are the last line of defence, now there is no hope from Jakarta, Ambon or Dobo, and it is the villages and their clans which stand firm and decide between life and death in Aru’s future. <br /><br />Let’s resist! Let’s pray for Aru. The people of Aru are David to the Menara Group’s Goliath. Who will win? It is for the people of Aru to decide their own fate. Do they want to give over their land to giant investors or conserve Aru with its birds of paradise and other flora and fauna, and with the history of its ancestors and the Jarjui people. <br /><br />It is both interesting and poetic to take this chance to hear some voices of young people and women from Aru. “We will defend our land to the last drop of blood,” says Mika Ganobal, leader of the Aru Indigenous Youth Coalition. <br /><br />“I am not afraid of guns, not afraid of bullets,” says Mama Costansa, a sixty-year-old woman. Mama Costansa sells vegetables and spices in Dobo market, and with friends once occupied the Dobo District Attorney’s office for a month to demand that Tedhy Tengko should be sent to prison. That time, they were successful. <br /><b><br /></b><i><b>Jirjir Duai protect the people of Jarjui, the people of Aru <br /><br />Jar Duai protect Jargaria, the Land of Aru. </b><br /><br />by Rudy Fofid, Ambon </i><br /><i><br />Source: <a href="http://malukuonline.co.id/2013/11/daud-vs-golliath-di-tanah-aru/">http://malukuonline.co.id/2013/11/daud-vs-golliath-di-tanah-aru/</a> <br /><br />For more information about the struggle to Save Aru: <a href="http://savearuisland.com/">http://savearuisland.com</a></i> kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-12227972920158926822013-12-19T17:31:00.003-08:002013-12-19T17:37:47.013-08:00Open letter from the Suku Anak Dalam in Jambi Province<br />
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To all palm oil consumers around the world, stop draining our tears and our blood!!!</h2>
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<h3>
“Some thoughts about the evictions of our homes by PT Asiatic Persada in Jambi Province.”</h3>
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“Hundreds of people appeared suddenly, they were wearing police or police mobile brigade uniforms, along with others wearing the clothes of PT Asiatic Persada employees. We were shocked and scared, as we realised they had come to destroy our houses. We could only stand by and watch as our homes were demolished by the company's heavy machinery, and we also had to just accept it when they took away some of our possessions.” That is how one of the evicted Suku Anak Dalam described what happened, when we visited them on 11th December 2013 at 17.00.<br />
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PT Asiatic Persada has taken action once again, just as it did in 2011, when it also managed to smash up around 80 houses in the Sungai Beruang area. This time, PT Asiatic Persada and state security forces carried out an intense wave of evictions between 7th-11th December around Pinang Tinggi, Padang Salak, Tanah Menang and Terawang. Currently around 146 houses have been razed to the ground, and those 146 families have sought refuge in Jambi City.<br />
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The violence started when Wilmar Group unilaterally1 transferred the ownership of PT Asiatic Persada to other corporate groups: Prima Fortune International Ltd based in the British Virgin Islands and PT Agro Mandiri Semesta which is based in Indonesia. Since that transfer or sale of interest occurred, all the outcomes and agreements achieved in negotiations facilitated by the CAO-IFC and the Jambi Provincial Government over the last two years appear to have vanished without a trace. It is undeniable that this violence is a result of Wilmar evading its responsibility to settle the problems and is proof that Wilmar is not fully able to become a pioneer in sustainable palm oil, despite its new “No Deforestation, No Peat, No Exploitation Policy” issued on 5th December 2013, and despite Wilmar's membership of the RSPO. A week of violence such as this indicates that Wilmar is involved in that violence, because it sold PT Asiatic Persada to an irresponsible company, and sold it while a negotiation process was still ongoing. Also unfortunate was that the violence took place just as the world was commemorating Human Rights Day.<br />
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We are no longer able to keep withstanding all the pressure, intimidation and violence from PT Asiatic Persada and state security forces, and so we, the whole Suku Anak Dalam Community in conflict with PT Asiatic Persada, are asking consumers around the world to:<br />
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<ol>
<li>Stop consuming palm oil produced by Wilmar and companies which supply palm oil to Wilmar Group factories.</li>
<li>Stop consuming palm oil produced by PT Asiatic Persada (Prima Fortune International Ltd and PT Agro Mandiri Semesta), as it is quite clear that they have produced this oil by crushing our tears and our blood.</li>
<li>Stop consuming palm oil from all companies which ignore indigenous people's rights and companies which grab their land.</li>
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That is our open letter and we truly hope for the support of consumers around the world, although we are powerless and few in numbers, we still have the right to live out our lives with our children and grandchildren on our own land.<br />
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In the name of all the Suku Anak Dalam Groups evicted by PT Asiatic Persada<br />
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<b><i>Suku Anak Dalam Pinang Tinggi Group<br />Suku Anak Dalam Tanah Menang Group<br />Suku Anak Dalam Padang Salak Group<br />Terawang Group</i></b><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Source: <a href="http://sawitwatch.or.id/2013/12/surat-terbuka-dari-suku-anak-dalam-propinsi-jambi/">http://sawitwatch.or.id/2013/12/surat-terbuka-dari-suku-anak-dalam-propinsi-jambi/</a></i></span><br />
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Further Background info on the case from Mongabay.com:</h4>
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<a href="http://news.mongabay.com/2013/1214-dparker-asiatic-persada-palm-oil-conflict.html">Indonesian palm oil company demolishes homes and evicts villagers in week-long raid</a></h2>
<br /> <i>Diana Parker, Mongabay-Indonesia correspondent <br /> December 14, 2013</i><br /> <br /> Nearly 150 homes were reportedly destroyed in the latest incident in a long-standing conflict between indigenous Batin Sembilan residents and former Wilmar unit PT Asiatic Persada. <br /><br /> Indonesian security forces allegedly stormed several villages inside a Sumatran palm oil plantation concession last weekend and earlier this week, accompanying company staff and hired thugs accused of destroying dozens of homes and looting residents’ property. <br /><br /> Witnesses said the raids began when members of the Indonesian military (TNI) and the police mobile brigade (Brimob) descended on Padang Salak hamlet in Bungku village at 4 p.m. on Dec. 7 together with PT Asiatic Persada personnel and local thugs paid by the company. <br /><br /> “That day [Dec. 7], they destroyed the homes of [Padang Salak residents] Budi and Peheng,” Norman, a resident of nearby Pinang Tinggi hamlet, told Mongabay-Indonesia by phone on Monday. “The next day, they returned and destroyed around 50 homes of residents.” <br /><br /> Norman estimated that as many as 1,500 staff, thugs and security forces were involved in the raids on Saturday and Sunday, a figure also reported in multiple Indonesian news outlets covering the attack. <br /><br /> <a href="http://www.beritasatu.com/nusantara/154406-pt-asiatic-persada-dan-aparat-usir-suku-anak-dalam.html">According to a report on Monday</a> by the Indonesian news portal beritasatu.com, some residents tried to stand their ground but were overwhelmed by the size of the mob. At one point on Sunday, according to the report, the clash came to blows and security forces fired shots into the air. <br /><br /> Norman also told Mongabay-Indonesia that police and military had fired shots during the conflict and that company security officers and thugs armed with knives and machetes had tried to attack residents. <br /><br /> <img src="http://mongabay-images.s3.amazonaws.com/13/1214Rumah-rumah-warga-SAD-16.jpg" /><br /><i>Foto: Feri Irawan </i><br /> Around 70 residents who had tried to fight back to prevent the demolition eventually fled. <br /><br /> One community member was seriously injured when his hand was cut, Norman said, adding that several motorbikes owned by residents were also destroyed and a box containing cash and jewelry was stolen. <br /><br /> On Sunday, some members of the community living inside the concession reportedly responded by burning a guard post and company warehouse in Padang Salak. Two residents were arrested after the incident, and, as of Dec. 14, remain in detention. Norman added that police were also attempting to arrest community leaders. <br /><br /><h3>
Troubled history </h3>
<br /> These evictions are the latest incident in <a href="http://news.mongabay.com/2013/1015-dparker-asiatic-persada-conflict.html">a more than 25-year conflict</a> between PT Asiatic Persada, which until earlier this year was owned by palm oil giant Wilmar, and the indigenous Batin Sembilan community living inside the company’s concession in Jambi province on the island of Sumatra. <br /><br /> Wilmar had earlier been accused of destroying the homes of 83 families living inside the concession in 2011 following another violent clash – also involving Brimob forces – over allegations that members of the community were stealing palm fruits from the company. <br /><br /> After the 2011 incident, human rights groups helped the community file complaints with the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) and the World Bank Group’s private sector lender the International Finance Corporation (IFC) – both of which have standards in place designed to prevent member companies or borrowers from violating the rights of local communities. <br /><br /> Wilmar is a member of the RSPO and received financing from the IFC, and in response to the complaints the IFC’s Compliance Advisor Ombudsman eventually stepped in to mediate talks between the company and members of the affected community. <br /><br /> However, earlier this year, Wilmar sold PT Asiatic Persada to two non-RSPO companies that do not receive IFC financing – meaning they are not bound by the same commitments to resolve the dispute. One of the buyers, PT Agro Mandiri Semesta (AMS), is a unit of the Ganda Group, a business group owned by Ganda Sitorus, the brother of Wilmar founder Martua Sitorus. <br /><br /> The IFC formally withdrew from the case in October after the new owners decided not to continue the IFC-mediated talks. Now it appears that PT AMS is resorting to the same tactic used by Wilmar in 2011 and forcibly evicting residents. <br /><br /> <img src="http://mongabay-images.s3.amazonaws.com/13/1214Rumah-rumah-warga-SAD-05.jpg" /><br /><i>Foto: Feri Irawan </i><br /><h3>
Evictions continue </h3>
<br /> According to multiple reports from victims and members of Suku Anak Dalam 113 – a group composed of members of the indigenous Batin Sembilan community who claim to hold the rights to over 3,500 hectares of land inside the concession – the evictions continued throughout the week and into the next weekend as company personnel and hired thugs, escorted by government security forces, destroyed homes and drove residents from at least two more hamlets in the concession. <br /><br /> Basron, a 41-year-old resident of Pinang Tinggi, was in his home on Wednesday morning at 10 a.m. when he felt his house shake. He went outside to see his home surrounded by plainclothes thugs and PT Asiatic Persada employees wearing green shirts, escorted by several TNI and Brimob members. <br /><br /> “We are from the integrated team,” a member of the mob said, according to Basron. “Quickly clean up your things. All the homes will be evicted today.” <br /><br /> Basron told Mongabay-Indonesia that the thugs and company personnel were armed with sharp weapons such as knives, axes and machetes, while military and police carried firearms. They had driven to the hamlet in dozens of Mitsubishi pickup trucks, also bringing heavy equipment including an excavator, which they used to destroy the homes. <br /><br /> In total, Basron estimated around 700 people came as part of the “integrated team,” splitting into several groups to carry out the evictions. Each group was composed of dozens of thugs and PT Asiatic Persada employees and escorted by police and military personnel. <br /><br /> After removing his possessions, Basron watched as a member of the team used the excavator to destroy his home. Once the house was destroyed, he said they instructed him to quickly clean up the debris. <br /><br /> “If it’s not clean, we will come again tomorrow. We will burn it all,” they said, according to Basron. <br /><br /> Basron said they also looted his livestock, taking away a chicken and several other birds worth Rp 600,000 ($50). Other Pinang Tinggi residents also reported members of the eviction team stealing livestock, cash and other valuables. <br /><br /> “My cash box was filled with Rp 6 million and they dismantled it and took what was inside,” Daim, another Pinang Tinggi resident, told Mongabay-Indonesia, while showing the broken box. <br /><br /> “Diesel fuel and oil, they spilled,” Daim added. “If they had been able to lift it, they would have even taken my generator. <br /><br /> Victims also reported having their cell phones destroyed when they tried to photograph the evictions. “Don’t take pictures of our actions,” an integrated team member allegedly told Meldi, a 25-year-old Pinang Tinggi resident, shortly before destroying his phone. <br /><br /> Meldi was still able to snap several photos of the raid using another cell phone, but villagers said they have little documentation of the evictions while they were taking place since they were told not to take pictures or use their phones. <br /><br /> Basron said the integrated team destroyed 109 homes in Pinang Tinggi on Wednesday. Another 31 homes were reported destroyed during evictions in Padang Salak on Dec. 7 and 8, while six homes were reported leveled in Terawang hamlet. <br /><br /> In total, victims said the teams destroyed 146 houses over three days. Reports also indicate evictions were carried out on Thursday, Friday and Saturday in Tanah Menang hamlet, where another 600 homes are located, however Mongabay-Indonesia has yet to confirm how many houses were destroyed in those raids. <br /><br /> <i><img src="http://mongabay-images.s3.amazonaws.com/13/1214Rumah-rumah-warga-SAD-08.jpg" /></i><br /><i>Basron, a 41-year-old resident of Pinang Tinggi. Foto: Feri Irawan </i><br /><h3>
Failure to resolve the dispute </h3>
<br /> “This violent action was undertaken in defiance of years of efforts to resolve the land dispute,” said Marcus Colchester, a senior policy advisory for Forest Peoples Programme (FPP), one of the human rights groups that helped community members file complaints against Wilmar after the 2011 evictions. <br /><br /> Colchester said that after it sold PT Asiatic Persada to the Ganda Group, Wilmar assured FPP that the new buyers were committed to resolving the land conflict. He said the IFC Compliance Advisor Ombudsman also hoped to continue its mediation efforts, “but it was soon rebuffed by the new owners.” <br /><br /> According to Colchester, this case reveals a major weakness in IFC standards. “It shows that when an IFC client, like Wilmar, gets caught out for violating the IFC's Performance Standards, with which they are contractually bound to comply … they can evade their responsibilities just by selling on their investment,” Colchester said in an email to Mongabay-Indonesia on Friday. <br /><br /> “Apparently, the IFC has no recourse in such an eventuality,” he added. <br /><br /> Colchester also said the case raises questions about Wilmar’s commitment to socially responsible business practices. <br /><br /> “[A]s a prominent RSPO member that stands on the Board of the RSPO, Wilmar has found it more convenient to sell PT AP [Asiatic Persada] than bring the operation into compliance with the RSPO standard,” he said. <br /><br /> “The case raises a big question-mark over the sincerity of Wilmar's recent, much publicized commitments,” he added, likely referring to <a href="http://news.mongabay.com/2013/1205-wilmar-zero-deforestation.html">a recent zero-deforestation pledge</a> made by the company, which includes commitments to respect human rights and seek free, prior and informed consent from local land holders. <br /><br /> Meanwhile, while the new owner, PT AMS, is not a member of the RSPO, other companies within the Ganda Group are members. In August, Colchester said, the RSPO secretariat wrote to the Ganda Group and asked it to clarify plans to bring its operations into compliance with RSPO standards. <br /><i><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br />Source: <a href="http://news.mongabay.com/2013/1214-dparker-asiatic-persada-palm-oil-conflict.html">http://news.mongabay.com/2013/1214-dparker-asiatic-persada-palm-oil-conflict.html</a> </span></i><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> <br /><br /> <br /><br /> <br /><span style="font-family: sans-serif; font-size: small;"><span style="color: #333333;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br />
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<br />kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-24299034574887961432013-12-02T19:50:00.003-08:002013-12-02T19:50:52.227-08:00Conflict Between Takalar Farmers and PTPN XIV Flares up - Farmer Shot by Police<br /><br />The conflict between residents of Takalar Regency, South Sulawesi and state-owned plantation company PTPN XIV has flared up once again.<br />
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Unavoidable clashes between the people of North Polongbangkeng Sub-district and Police Mobile Brigade (Brimob) on Monday morning (2/12/13) resulted in community member Yunus Daeng Empo receiving a bullet in his right thigh.<br />
<br />When contacted by Mongabay, Zulkarnain, Walhi South Sulawesi's executive director, said that the incident was provoked by PTPN IV's plan to cultivate disputed land which is the subject of an ongoing case in the Supreme Court.<br />On hearing about this plan, dozens of local people went to the location being guarded by 10-20 members of South Sulawesi Police Mobile Brigade. The situation heated up as PTPN XIV failed to heed the community's protests. Yunus Daeng Empo was trying to stop the company working the land when the police shot him. “The situation became chaotic when Brimob started arresting and shooting people,” Zulkarnain said today.<br />
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<br />He strongly criticised the police for this incident and demanded that the South and West Sulawesi police chief immediately withdraw all personnel assigned to PTPN XIV. “Stop all acts of repression related to the police's handling of the dispute between residents and PTPN IV”.<br />
<br />The local situation was tense after the clash. He feared that the conflict would spread and could produce many further casualties if it wasn't immediately managed well. Fortunately, the Takalar police directly called a meeting with the groups involved, including community leaders and the local government.<br />
<br />In that meeting, which took place at 16.00 in the Takalar police station, it was agreed that PTPN IV would stop all activities in the disputed area until a follow-up meeting with the Takalar District Head could take place. It was also agreed that the police would foot the shooting victim's medical bill. “For the time being, all parties accepted the outcome of the meeting. Now the situation is becoming more calm,” said Zulkarnain.<br />
<br />It is not the first time that the police have shot Takalar residents in connection to their land dispute with PTPN XIV. Previously a similar incident had taken place in October 2008, by officers of the Takalar Police Station.<br />
<br />On 9th August 2009, clashes broke out once more, this time even worse. In 2009 the police started to send their mobile brigade to face the community's protests. Alongside tear gas, they also shot rubber bullets, injuring six people, and seventeen people were arrested and their case brought to the courts. After this clash, the police were also seen to intimidate, terrorise and conduct house-to-house raids in the community, asking that people cease demanding land from PTPN XIV.<br /><br />Many Makassar-based NGOs and the Polongbangkeng Farming Union ( Serikat Tani Polongbangkeng) have protested to the National Police Commission about Brimob's presence in PTPN XIV's concession. Brimob is believed to merely make the atmosphere more tense. As a result of the protest, the National Police Commission recommended that Brimob be withdrawn in line with the community's demands. However, Brimob remained in place to guard the area.<br /><br />
Tensions had also arisen in late June 2013. The state-owned company used Brimob to provide security for its cultivation of disputed land. The community protested. In fact, an agreement made in a meeting in the Takalar Police station had stated that PTPN would be forbidden to cultivate land claimed by the community until the case had been settled.<br />
<br />The conflict between the community and PTPN XIV arose in 2007. 723 farming families in nine villages in Polongbangkeng Sub-district, Takalar, demanded that the company give the farmers back their land which the government had controlled since 1982 - an area of around 4500 hectares.<br />
<br />The peasants have quite a good basis for their claim, because the 25 year cultivation permit (HGU) which formed the basis for PTPN's control over the land expired in 2004. However the land was not returned to the community, its original owners. They claim that they do not want to extend the contract because it brings them little benefit.<br />
<br />Most of the people living in the nine villages in Polongbangkeng Sub-district make a living from farming, although on average the land each family owns is less than one hectare. It is not uncommon for them to move away and become wage labourers because they do not have land in their home villages. “In general they only have a little land to cultivate, and their livelihoods depend on this. It is only reasonable that they will fight as hard as they can to defend this land,” said Nini Eryani, an activist with Walhi South Sulawesi who has been involved in supporting the community.<br />
<br />Mongabay tried to reach the Takalar Police Chief for comment, but received no reply by the time this article was published.<br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Source: Mongabay Indonesia <a href="http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/12/02/konflik-petani-takalar-ptpn-xiv-memanas-brimob-tembaki-warga/">http://www.mongabay.co.id/2013/12/02/konflik-petani-takalar-ptpn-xiv-memanas-brimob-tembaki-warga/</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Author: Wahyu Chandra </span></div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-85520316298174254042013-11-01T04:20:00.000-07:002013-11-01T04:20:06.477-07:00A Growing Movement Against Plantations in West Papua<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<i><span style="font-size: small;">“We, the indigenous people of Yowied Village reject corporations coming on to our land in Tubang District for the following reasons: <br /><br />there is not so much land around Yowied Village. <br /><br />Our lives are dependent on what our environment can provide. <br /><br />Where will the future generations go?” </span></i></blockquote>
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The sign is tied with coconut leaves, a signal that it is a ‘sasih’ marker, a traditional means to forbid passage. Similar signs can be seen in almost all villages in the area. They are backed up by an agreement between all villages in the area that no-one should give up their land, under pain of death. It’s a desperate first act of defiance to a modern world they know has no place for them. A plantations mega-project has been imposed on Merauke, West Papua, and 2.5 million hectares of forest, grassland and swamps – the ancestral lands of the Malind people – are being targeted for oil palm, industrial timber and sugar cane. <br /><br />For now, the natural ecosystem in remote Tubang District is still in good condition, and the Malind Woyu Maklew people who live in the area can easily find all they need from the forest by hunting, gathering and fishing. The former chief of Yowied village has claimed that he could easily live on only $2 a month, which he would use to buy tobacco and betel nut – everything else could be got from the forest. <br /><br />Throughout Merauke Regency in the southern part of West Papua, a land controversially annexed by Indonesia 50 years ago, indigenous communities are having to learn fast how to resist corporate manipulations. In 2009 ambitious local politicians proposed Merauke as Indonesia’s new centre for industrialised agricultural growth. This was in the aftermath of the 2008 global food crisis, when governments worldwide got preoccupied about national food security, prompting a wave of land-grabbing globally. The Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE), as it became known, was officially launched three years ago in August 2010. Around 50 provisional permits have been issued to around 20 corporate groups, mostly from Indonesia or South Korea. <a name='more'></a><br /><h3>
Starvation and rebellion as the companies move in. </h3>
<br />They claimed that MIFEE would ‘Feed Indonesia, then feed the world’. But in the end, it brought hunger. In Zanegi, one of the first villages to be caught up in MIFEE-related development, five children have died in the first half of 2013 from malnutrition and preventable diseases thought to be linked to pollution. Medco, the company involved, is not even producing food. Its industrial forestry plantation is currently turning the Zanegi people’s ancestral forest into wood chips. These are then loaded onto ships and exported to Korea by Medco’s joint venture partner LG International, to be burnt in power stations or turned into fibreboard. <br /><br />Zanegi too has had to learn to resist. Villagers were tricked out of their land by Medco, who gave them a ‘Certificate of Appreciation’ and US$33,400. The people had no idea that they were signing away their forest, their means of subsistence, their identity. Then the company started taking away the timber, giving people a fraction of the price the logs were worth and breaking their promise to leave intact forest around sago groves and sacred sites. Eventually the people decided to block the company’s access. If they heard chainsaws then they would come running, and in this way they successfully managed to keep the company from operating on their land for over a year. <br /><br />Despite their resistance, Zanegi has suffered. The forest is gone and the village is empty nowadays as people regularly abandon the village, staying in temporary camps to try to hunt the few remaining forest animals. Others work for the company, but their daily pay is only enough to buy a day’s food for a family. Swamps are poisoned with pesticide residues from the tree nurseries, fish swim erratically as if drunk and then die. People do not have enough to eat, especially the women who always feed their husbands and children before themselves. Traditional beliefs in this area mean that deaths are thought to be linked to black magic. This has led to a conflict which has left several community leaders imprisoned, accused of killing someone who was believed to be a sorcerer. Three of the men have died in prison in the last year, deaths which are also put down to black magic. <br /><br />The story of Zanegi village has become well known around the Merauke area: it is a warning of what happens when villagers sell their land, and that prompts people in other villages to hold out against the companies. Another company, Rajawali, is trying to set up a sugar cane plantation near the coast. The company successfully bought up land belonging to Domande village, but other villages, Onggari and Kaiburze, have been resolute in their refusal to sell. This is despite intense pressure from the Rajawali corporation, which has also been accused of illegally felling trees on Onggari village’s territory. <br /><br />In Domande Village, in June 2013, local people angry about unpaid timber compensation set up a blockade, and some days later ordered Rajawali’s loggers to leave the area. As in Zanegi, they had already been tricked out of their land, but were still fighting to get fair compensation for the trees at least. Previously the villagers had taken action after Rajawali cleared a burial ground. Living in the plantation zone means you must be on constant alert to companies overstepping the line. <br /><br />Fear and conflict is only ever one step behind the company. Back in Yowied, company guards working for PT Mayora, the company which is trying to gain access to plant sugar-cane, accused people of being separatist rebels, fighting for West Papuan independence. Seeing that villagers were preparing to run to the forest in fear, some community leaders felt forced to sign a document PT Mayora were presenting them. In nearby Woboyu, villagers were scared a deadly conflict would break out after rumours spread that people from another village were collaborating with PT Astra to survey customary land boundaries. Both companies are planning sugar-cane plantations. <br /><br />Local community activists involved in the SSUMAWOMA forum recorded video interviews in these two villages which they then took to Merauke city. After discussing the issue one Sunday afternoon, about 100 people decided to take action, and the next day occupied PT Mayora’s office in the city, demanding that if companies want to propose new plantations, they approach people in a reasonable way, and not just show up causing chaos, divisions, intimidation and confusion. The local regency leader agreed to meet with representatives after the action and agreed to order PT Mayora to temporarily leave the land, but it is known that the company is still looking for a new strategy to convince villagers. <br /><br />The SSUMAWOMA Forum is a group that has emerged in recent months, made up mostly of university graduates who have roots in the western part of Merauke Regency. With the backing of the communities, they are articulating their opposition to all plantation plans, at least as long as the people lack the skills or experience to get meaningful employment with companies, meaning they end up marginalised on their own land. They bring the voice of the villagers to the public and government, showing how the people have nothing to gain from plantations and, at the same time, have so much to lose: their forest, their livelihood, their culture and their identity. <br /><br />The Malind people are not just dependent on the forest for their daily needs. The forest defines every aspect of who they are. In Malind cosmology mortal humans are the third generation; the first two generations of their ancestors remain immortal in the environment around them, and the Earth is seen as mother. Each clan is intimately connected to their dema or totem – a part of the ecosystem: Gebze with coconut, Mahuze with sago, Basik-Basik with wild pigs, Samkakai with tree kangaroos. It is incomprehensible for Malind people that the forest might be gone, if it is their culture becomes no more than a sad symbol, their sense of being torn apart. <br /><br /><i><br /></i><blockquote>
<i>“The Malind Anim culture is not just a dance, a ritual or a carving. It is not a mere representation of a culture, decorated in mud, leaves and vines” (SSUMAWOMA forum) </i></blockquote>
<h3>
When Oil Palm wears a Uniform </h3>
<br />In the eastern part of Merauke is the border with Papua New Guinea. The area is militarised, under the pretext of protecting the border zone. For decades local people have had to live with constant intimidation from the troops at dozens of outposts strung along the border. Here traditional society has faced even more challenges; many women have been raped, and subsistence becomes more difficult when military personnel have hunted many of the forest animals. <br /><br />The military is a source of terror and trauma in West Papua, having waged a war on its people over the last 50 years, protecting its own interests and Indonesia’s economic agenda. Shooting incidents are common, independence movements are brutally crushed, torture, imprisonment and random beatings are everyday hazards. Racist attitudes towards black-skinned Papuans prevail. The climate of fear and resentment has long been established throughout Papua. Even though Merauke has not been a zone of intense pro-independence activity recently, this is why living alongside the military still means constant tension. <br /><br />All MIFEE companies use the military (or police mobile brigade) as security, adding to the pressure on people to hand over their land, but in this eastern strip, near the border, the military presence is felt more strongly. This area has been allocated for oil palm, with at least four corporate groups wanting to develop big plantations. Unsurprisingly, the companies have found it easier to gain access in this area, and several are now clearing the forest. Nevertheless, a few clans are still resisting, refusing to sell their land, and there have been blockades here too. <br /><br />The going rate for compensating indigenous people for the annihilation of their world works out at about US$30 per hectare. This amount is pitiful if it is seen as a replacement for the many lifetimes which a forest could sustain, especially once that amount is shared out between different families. But at the moment when the cash is handed over for a few thousands of hectares, for the communities, as people who are desperately poor in terms of the money economy, it seems a huge amount In several cases, this cash handover has been the cause of conflict between villages, clans or individuals, wrenching the community apart. <br /><br />Far away in Jakarta, Indonesia’s national development master plan still tells the official story: MIFEE is a well-planned and structured development which will provide food crops such as rice, corn, soybeans and beef for the nation. It totally ignores reality, which is that the land is being gobbled up by the same oil palm, sugar and forestry multinationals that have devastated many of Indonesia’s other islands. And as investment fever spreads, oil palm companies are also lining up to establish or expand their plantations elsewhere in West Papua. <br /><br />Indigenous resistance sometimes seems desperate – what chance do forest people stand against multinationals and the military? But companies remain cautious about entering West Papua, fearing local anger, and many ambitious investment plans have failed here. Standing up to these companies costs the Malind so much, but really it is their only chance to survive as a people, and protect their land. <br /><br />—- <br /><i></i><br />
<i></i><br />
<i></i><br />
<i><br />This is the first of three essays written to give an overview of the MIFEE project, three years after it was officially launched on August 11 2010. <a href="https://awasmifee.potager.org/?p=632">The second article</a> is a more in-depth analysis of how plantation companies have affected indigenous communities over the last three years. <br /><br /><a href="https://awasmifee.potager.org/?p=584">The third article</a> is a much longer analysis of the mismatch between the original plan of a food estate to “feed Indonesia, then feed the world” and the reality: vast oil palm, sugar cane and industrial forestry plantations. It also examines how this food estate myth has persisted,providing legitimacy to a national development plan which ignores communities, and to a policy for West Papua which is promoting development while doing nothing to address the underlying causes of West Papua’s problems. </i><br />
<h3>
List of key companies involved in MIFEE: </h3>
<ul>
<li><i>Medco (Indonesian oil and gas company)</i></li>
<li><i>LG International (Korean TNC, best known for its electronic products)</i></li>
<li><i>Rajawali (Indonesian business conglomerate)</i></li>
<li><i>Daewoo International (Part of South Korean Posco TNC)</i></li>
<li><i>Korindo (Korean business conglomerate with diverse businesses in Indonesia)</i></li>
<li><i>Wilmar International (Asian plantation and grain trading giant, and biodiesel producer, also owns the company which markets CSR Sugar in Australia)</i></li>
<li><i>AMS Plantations (The plantation company belonging to the younger brother of Wilmar’s co-founder)</i></li>
<li><i>Astra Agro Lestari (Indonesian plantations company, ultimately owned by British-registered corporation Jardine Matheson)</i></li>
<li><i>Mayora (Indonesian food company)</i></li>
<li><i>China Gate Agriculture Development (little known company, also South Korean)</i></li>
<li><i>Moorim Paper (Korean paper company)</i></li>
<li><i>Central Cipta Murdaya (Indonesian conglomerate – boss is in prison for paying bribes for plantation permits elsewhere but business goes on regardless)</i></li>
<li><i>Texmaco (Indonesian conglomerate focusing on forestry)</i></li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: right;">
<i><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Source: <a href="https://awasmifee.potager.org/?p=650">https://awasmifee.potager.org/?p=650</a></i></span> </i></div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-37696015737346251232013-11-01T04:10:00.001-07:002013-11-01T04:43:33.449-07:00'Jogja Not for Sale': not just looking for Haryadi <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<![endif]-->The commotion of Jogja's anniversary seemed not to have subsided, even though two days had passed. Not because it had been such a wild celebration, but because something had happened to stir up Jogja's street art community. Early on the morning of Wednesday 9th October 2013, an artist was dragged to the municipal guard's barracks because of painting a mural. Muhammad Arif was arrested for painting the words “Jogja Ora Didol”, meaning 'Jogja is not for sale' in the Javanese language. <br />
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Actually, this action was happening for the second - or third - time. The mural had first been painted on the actual anniversary of Jogjakarta, two days previously on the 7th October. However, before twenty-four hours had passed, the slogan “Jogja Ora Didol” had already disappeared, painted over by black paint, apparently by the municipal guards. Then the same phrase was painted over the black paint as a response. However Arif's action ran into trouble when a middle-aged man forced him to stop what he was doing. The man ordered Arif to come down from the wall he was standing on, but Arif didn't move. In the end Arif gave in as the man was pointing a pistol at him. Arif was brought by the man to the municipal guard's barracks to be interrogated and file an evidence report. <br />
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What Arif was actually doing - in theory - was part of the urban movement 'Looking for Haryiadi Festival', which had been conceived by various artists and collectives around Yogyakarta city. The Festival's Art Director, Agung Kurniawan, said that this movement had been sparked by concerns that city mayor Haryadi had absented himself from the task of reorganising public space, controlling visual pollution such as billboards, and other urban problems. There are also massive plans to build hotels, which mean evictions, and the uncontrolled growth in motor vehicles which causes traffic jams and increasingly takes space away from cyclists and pedestrians. As all these problems pile up around him, Haryadi has just chosen to travel abroad - the mayor's latest travels have taken him to Spain and the United States, who knows what for. In the end, it means thatYogyakarta is starting to become a less pleasant place to live. <br />
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But is it right to direct all the criticism only at Haryadi? Or is there also someone else involved who should also be facing accusations? I want to open up this possibility, that Haryadi is not the only one who should take the blame for the chaos in Yogyakarta's urban planning. Of course, if we see Haryadi as the administrative head of Yogyakarta City, he's the one who must be asked to take responsibility for any chaos in urban planning. He is also believed to be allowing visual pollution - such as corporate advertisements - affect buildings in a cultural conservation area. But actually, similar cases are not only happening in Yogyakarta City, but also other places around Yogyakarta Province. In Bantul for example, traders in Parangkusumo are threatened with eviction by a megatourism project which plans to develop the Parangtritis area. In Kulon Progo, coastal farmers are on the point of losing their farmland because of plans to develop an iron-sand mine. Hotel and other tourist development is also taking place in Sleman and Gunung Kidul districts. <br />
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Of course, what's happening within the urban area can't be seen as insignificant compared to these other cases in other areas. In the end a similarity unites them all, the question of how living space is used. So, as I see it, Yogyakarta's problems can't be narrowed down to just those which affect the urban area - within its administrative boundaries - alone, but is also an issue in nearby areas such as those mentioned above. That means we need to talk about Yogyakarta as an entity that is bigger than just a city. <br />
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It is not enough to see what is happening in Yogyakarta right now as the effect of an underperforming mayor. It can't be denied that so far Haryadi has failed to do his job well. But what must not be forgotten is that behind all this is an established system that provides a base for all policy. Urban planning is included in this as there is an obvious and direct correlation with agrarian policy within Yogyakarta Province. Haryadi is only a small part of a bigger system. <br />
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Also on the day of Yogyakarta's anniversary, the 7th October, a Special Region Regulation (Perdais) was ratified including eight clauses about land tenure. The Perdais on land tenure is a follow-up to the agrarian provisions of the recent national Law on the Specialness of Yogyakarta which made clear that the feudal land titles of Sultanaat Grond (SG) and Pakualamanaat Grond (PAG) would come back into force. In other words, all land across the province of Yogyakarta becomes the absolute property of the Yogyakarta Palace, and the citizens who occupy that land now only have the status of tenants. An implication of this is that land ownership certificates issued by the National Land Agency are no longer valid, despite the fact that the legal basis for the National Land Agency is the 1960 Basic Agrarian Law [a major pillar of Indonesian law, seen as almost as important as the 1945 constitution -tr]. As a matter of information, Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX [the present sultan's more principled father -tr] had already cancelled the SG and PAG through a local regulation (number 31) in 1984, which meant bringing land ownership and tenure in Yogyakarta back into line with the 1960 Basic Agrarian Law. <br />
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With this new law the Sultan is free to do whatever he wants anywhere in Yogyakarta province. For example, land for the iron mining project on the south coast of Kulon Progo is claimed as part of the Pakualaman estate. This is despite the fact that it is an agricultural area which has been cultivated by farmers for many decades. When Pakualaman claims this land, the farmers are requested to return the land in question although they possess land title certificates issued by the National Land Agency. Maybe the name of Mbah Manto is also familiar to us - he camped outside the Yogyakarta Provincial Legislative Council building for several weeks. Mbah Manto and friends took action to demand that land in Surowijiayan which they had been using since the 1970s should be returned to them. The land is actually claimed as land leased from the state, on which the occupier is only allowed to rent the land when they have a letter of permission from the Sultan's palace. What was most frustrating for him is that although he has lived on the land for decades and filled in the request for such a letter on several occasions, he has never received the letter. He only later found out that someone else, an entrepreneur, had obtained the permission letter for the land in question sometime around the middle of the decade 2000-2010. Mbah Manto and his neighbours have become victims of the palace's authority to regulate land tenure. <br />
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These two cases are just a few of many examples of evictions and land grabbing resulting from the Sultan and Pakualaman's claim. Another case has come to light in Gunung Kidul district, where the Palace has unilaterally decided to change the status of about 150 land ownership certificates, turning the owners into tenants. Tracing back to the root of the problem, it appears there is a petroleum company owned by the government that has been exploring for oil in this area. Can we guess where this is heading? That's right, with their status as tenants, the local inhabitants do not have any rights whatsoever to the land they live on. Which means that if oil exploration ever moved on to become oil exploitation, the provincial government could force people to leave without any compensation money, whenever the Sultan requests it. <br />
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Academic George Junus Aditjondro (GJA) wrote an analysis of the future of SG and PAG when the Law on the Specialness of Yogyakarta was still at the planning stage. In his writing, GJA made it clear that the recent revival of the issue of what makes Yogyakarta special was not merely about whether leaders should be elected or imposed. Instead he believed that there were major economic interests behind the planned law, ie the land issue. GJA described the clauses about land as a stowaway on the planned law on the Specialness of Yogyakarta. <br />
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So, is it right to just blame Haryadi for the chaos in land use and agrarian planning in Yogyakarta? The answer is of course no. First of all, the same chaos is also occurring in the other parts of Yogyakarta province - Sleman, Gunung Kidul, Kulon Progo and Bantul, places where Haryadi has no authority. Secondly, the criminalisation experienced by M. Arif has also been faced by two other people, Tujiko (a farmer from the Kulon Progo coastal area) an George Junus Aditjondro (academic). All three of these cases have occurred for one reason: the people have prodded the royal family's power or interests. Tukijo was considered to be an obstacle to the iron sand mining project. GJA was accused of slandering the Palace's good name and taking actions unpleasing to the Palace, because of his article 'the Law on the Specialness of Yogyakarta's hidden stowaway'. Most recently, M. Arif, because of the “Jogja Ora Didol” mural he painted, was considered to be propagating hatred. <br />
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What has befallen M. Arif, Tukijo and GJA could happen to anyone. Tyrants are indiscriminate, they don't care who or what you are. Academics, farmers, artists or whoever else, if they dare to challenge their power, they can be imprisoned, or even disappeared. <br />
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So, is it still just a case of looking for Haryadi? <br />
<i><br />by Ferdhi F. Putra </i><i><span style="font-size: x-small;">source:<a href="http://indoprogress.com/jogja-ora-didol-bukan-cuma-mencari-haryadi/"> http://indoprogress.com/jogja-ora-didol-bukan-cuma-mencari-haryadi/</a></span></i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: FreeSans; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "Droid Sans Fallback"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"></span><br />
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</span>kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-70458035765556405832013-10-03T01:01:00.000-07:002013-10-03T01:01:26.317-07:00Kulon Progo Farmer Tukijo Freed From Prison<br />
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Tukijo finally walked free from Yogyakarta prison this morning, to be welcomed by his family, farmers from Kulon Progo and supporters of their struggle. There was no holding back the emotion as his friends hugged him in turn - a pointless and vindictive ordeal was over at last.<br /><br />Tukijo is one of the thousands of farmers along the Kulon Progo coast who are defending their land from an Australian mining company in partnership with the local feudal leader. He was snatched from his fields by police in May 2011 and sentenced to three years in prison for doing nothing more than telling a company worker to get off the land.<br /><br />After nearly two and a half years in prison, Tukijo will now be able to return to his farm to plant chillis and watermelons once again, as the land has not yet been taken over by Indomines for its iron sand mine. Whether due to it's tumbling share price, a fall in demand for iron from China or the farmers' determined resistance, the mining company's plans have been put back again and again. <br /><br />But the mining threat has not gone away. Worryingly, news has come through within the last few weeks that some villagers at the far end of the mining area have accepted a downpayment from the company, agreeing they would sell their land. This came as a big shock to other villages, which have been more centrally involved in resisting the mine. They believe they are more determined in their struggle, but now they can see how easy it is for a company to manipulate any weakness. <br /><br />Although the Kulon Progo farmers have lived on the land for generations and developed their own techniques to make the sandy dunes fertile and productive, they are up against the local feudal leaders (Sultan Hamengkubuwono X and Paku Alam), who are claiming ultimate ownership over all land in the Yogyakarta Special Region province where no freehold has been granted. It is a dubious claim dating back to colonial times, which was clearly outlawed by Indonesia's Basic Agrarian Law in 1960. However the Sultan has been trying to strengthen his legal position by lobbying for new laws. A national law on Yogyakarta's 'specialness' was passed last year, and next week the Yogyakarta Provincial Legislative Council is expected to pass a local law which supports the feudal system.<br /><br />Around the Yogyakarta Region, many people are not yet aware that their Sultan has got his eye on their land - maybe they are proud to live in an area where the Javanese culture is still strong, or they see the system as better than the rampant corruption which causes so many problems in other areas. However, several communities are aware and are resisting. Aside from the Kulon Progo farmers, the community of Parangkusumo is one example. This coastal village is a few kilometres away from the popular tourist beach at Parangtritis, and is facing eviction. The reason given is a moralistic one - the local government claims prostitution goes on in the karaoke bars there, but it is fairly obvious that the real reason is to clear the coast for tourism development.<br /><br />So while it's good news for the moment as Tukijo celebrates being able to breathe once more the fresh sea air blowing in over the Kulon Progo coast, there are still many challenges ahead before the Kulon Progo farmers can finally relax, knowing they have defeated the iron mine once and for all.kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-88468090620195660042013-09-05T00:09:00.001-07:002013-09-05T00:09:20.143-07:0016 Medan Students on Trial<h3>
Latest developments in the arrested Medan students' case </h3>
<br />The following is an interview by an FKMA reporter with a student from Medan, conducted on the 1st of September 2013 in Jakarta. The aim of the interview was to find out the latest developments in a case where police arrested students in an action protesting the fuel price rise in Medan last June, in a clear violation of human rights. <br /><br /><b>FKMA :</b> What are the latest developments around these arrests which have affected Medan's student community? <br /><br /><i><b>Student :</b> There are currently 16 students still in prison who were officially declared suspects on 16th August 2013. Many of them are still suffering from broken bones from the police violence during their arrests. </i><br /><br /><b>FKMA :</b> Originally how many people were arrested? <br /><i><br /><b>Student :</b> On the day of the action there were 87 people arrested. In the end only 16 of them were officially declared suspects. Nevertheless this is an act of criminalisation towards the whole student movement, and we are convinced it is an attempt to systematically paralyse the student movement here in Medan. </i><br />
<a name='more'></a><br /><br /><b>FKMA :</b> Can you explain a little more what you mean by 'systematically paralyse'? <br /><i><br /><b>Student :</b> It's like this, in this case many students who were not in the area when the action took place whose names have been placed on the police wanted list as people who damaged property during the fuel price protests. Many of the names that have appeared on the wanted list no longer live in Medan but strangely they are being accused of being ringleaders in the action against the fuel price rise. I believe that this is the police and state's strategy to terrorise anyone who participates in the struggle for justice. What is stranger still, most of the people whose names appear on the wanted list haven't been subsequently arrested, even though the police are well aware of their whereabouts. This seems to be the state's strategy of creating divisions and conflict, by making it seem as if those who weren't arrested have been flirting with the police. “The police want those students who have been imprisoned to stand trial to accuse other students that are on the wanted list, but who haven't been arrested, of being traitors and police assets”. Because of this assumption feelings of distrust are growing within the Medan student movement, especially between the different student groups. </i><br /><br /><b>FKMA :</b> What laws are the students being accused under? <br /><i><br /><b>Student :</b> Criminal damage to public property and resistance to authority. </i><br /><br /><b>FKMA :</b> Which universities do the students which are charged as suspects attend? <br /><i><br /><b>Student :</b> 12 people from Universitas HKBP Nomensen, 1 from Universitas Sumatera Utara, 1 from Institut Teknologi Medan, 1 from Universitas Budi Dharma dan 1 from Universitas Negeri Medan. </i><br /><br /><b>FKMA :</b> Which groups are providing legal support in the case? <br /><br /><i><b>Student :</b> There are three : Kontras (a national human rights NGO) , Komnas HAM (the National Human Rights Commission) and Cicak Buaya (meaning a gecko which stands up to a crocodile) </i><br /><br /><b>FKMA :</b> What is Cicak Buaya's role? <br /><br /><i><b>Student :</b> Cicak Buaya is a group that provides legal aid towards our friends that were arrested. Previously, before founding Cicak Buaya, the people involved had suffered a similar fate. In 2007 they (students in Nommensen at the time) opposed the management of their university, which they felt was undemocratic, but in the end they were expelled from the university. This was the spark of violence and riots broke out on the Nommensen campus in 2007. Students were angry about the undemocratic nature of the expulsions but were also a sign of the military's involvement, which wanted to wipe out the student movement. That incident in 2007 provided the basis for the criminalisation of dozens of students. Once they were released from prison, they continued to study law and became lawyers. Because they felt that the same sort of situation was bound to arise in the future, they felt it was necessary to set up a legal support organisation. That's a short history, more or less. </i><br /><b>FKMA :</b> Sorry, I forgot, when does the trial start? <br /><i><br /><b>Mahasiswa :</b> The first session is on the 4th September 2013 </i><br /><b><br />FKMA :</b> Anything you want to let others know in connection with this case ? <br /><br /><i><b>Student :</b> Apart from building up solidarity around this case, I want to tell the student movement that there is nothing else to do except move forwards so “keep motivated” and “act wisely” in your resistance. </i><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Source: <a href="http://selamatkanbumi.com/ID/16-mahasiswa-medan-menjadi-tersangka/">http://selamatkanbumi.com/ID/16-mahasiswa-medan-menjadi-tersangka/</a></span><br />
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FKMA = Forum Komunikasi Masyarakat Agraris<br /><br /><br /> kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-88813054486536755732013-08-19T22:32:00.000-07:002013-08-19T22:32:24.444-07:00West Papua Freedom Flotilla: Indigenous Solidarity Knows no Borders<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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Two hundred years after Europeans first set foot in Australia, indigenous Australians are a tiny minority in their own land, forgotten in reservations while western culture has grown rich from the land they conquered. <br /><br />The indigenous movement in Australia has not disappeared however, and is aware that on the other side of the Torres Strait, their history is being replayed in West Papua. Indigenous Papuans are also being economically and culturally marginalised, their forests and mountains ravaged, set against a background of half a century of military violence. <br /><br />The Freedom Flotilla to West Papua is an initiative of indigenous and white Australians, Torres Straits Islanders and West Papuan refugees, who are trying to make the link between the struggles on their respective islands. On 17th August they launched two boats from Cairns, headed for Merauke in West Papua.<br />
<a name='more'></a><br />On June 1st in Melbourne, participants were issued “original nations” passports by members of the Kulan Nation and West Papuan visas by the Foreign Affairs Minister of the Federated Republic of West Papua, which declared independence in 2011. From the press release that day:<br /><br /><i>Genocide is being committed. Sovereignty has never been ceded.</i><br />
<i><br />The time has come for the original people of Sahul Land to come together as a combined force to demand the Australian and Indonesian government to acknowledge indigenous sovereignty and take practical steps towards the peace process.</i><br />
<br />Sahul land is a name for what is now known as Australia, the Torres Strait and Papua, which during previous ice ages were joined as one land mass.<br /><br /><i>"We were one people, we still are one people we must up hold our cultural connection, the old land is calling us.</i>" said Uncle Kevin Buzzacott, Arabunna Aboriginal Elder<br /><br />The last two months, the Freedom Flotilla has been travelling overland from Lake Eyre to Cairns, stopping at sacred places, Aboriginal embassies and camps set up to resist forest destruction, to prepare for their mission. Now the two boats have set off and expect to arrive in the West Papuan city of Merauke in about two weeks, after stopping in the Torres Strait Islands and Papua New Guinea.<br /><br />The Indonesian state has made threats against the boats, and has said it will mobilise the navy and air force to stop them reaching their destination. The Australian state has made it clear that it does not support the Flotilla. However the crew are not to be intimidated:<br /><br /><i>“We come in peace”</i>, Uncle Kevin Buzzacott said on August 19th. <i>“We are going to undertake a
peaceful ceremony celebrating the cultural connections and recognising the shared plight of
the indigenous peoples of our two countries”</i>.
<br /><br />Meanwhile in Melbourne, indigenous activist Robby Thorpe explained why the Flotilla chose to bypass the Australian border regime and travel using aboriginal passports, which have been issued since the late 1980s as a reminder that indigenous nations have never ceded sovereignty.<br /><br /><i>“Aboriginal Passports represent a Global Safe Travel document; indigenous people of Australia have never invaded or attacked another country, Aboriginal people represent peace and these passports represent a connection between indigenous people around the world who have suffered at the hands of colonisation.”</i><br /><br />He continued, <i>“Who’s borders are these anyway? Why should we require the white man's documents to travel to West Papua? Our lands were once connected, our cultures entwined for thousands of years, we don’t need authority from Australia or Indonesia to do as we have always done. Aboriginal Passports are a real statement about our land, our identity, our lore. Australia and Indonesia can live the lie, but we the indigenous people don’t subscribe to that”</i><br /><br />
Updates and daily pogcasts from the Freedom Flotilla Website <a href="http://freedomflotillawestpapua.org/">http://freedomflotillawestpapua.org</a>kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-86740623341746158042013-07-05T09:51:00.001-07:002013-07-05T09:53:25.195-07:00Demonstrators Against Fuel Price Rise in Medan Arrested and Tortured: Chronology<br />
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As the Indonesian Government made plans to reduce fuel subsidies, social resistance broke out across the archipelago, protesters fearing that the price rise would cause knock-on rises in the cost of living that would have a devastating effect on the poorest. The government has wanted to make this spending cut for several years now, but popular resistance over the years has made it very difficult to push it through. This time, however, they seem determined. One action in Medan, North Sumatra on the day the decision was taken was met with a brutal response from the police, where hundreds were injured and 87 people were arrested. Nearly three weeks later 32 people remain in police custody although it remains unclear whether they are actually being prosecuted. Neither their families nor lawyers have had any access to the people who are still arrested, most of whom were seriously hurt. Also, 17 more people, many well-known faces from the student movement, have been placed on the police wanted list as supposed intellectual masterminds of the action. Here’s the full chronology, from a participant: <br />
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<li>On the 17th June 2013, an alliance of students and citizen’s groups called BARAK took to the streets to show their solidarity against the government’s decision to raise fuel prices. </li>
<li>At 10.00 am BARAK met up at the Sinar Indonesia Baru roundabout (Jalan Gatot Subroto) and listened to speeches. </li>
<li>After the speeches, at around 13.00, the alliance started a demonstration towards the North Sumatra Provincial Legislative Assembly, without any police accompaniment. There they met with other student groups that were also demonstrating about the fuel price rise. Because of this, BARAK decided to take the demonstration back to public spaces, first at the train station and then continuing to Jalan Perinits Medan, in front of Nommensen University, which is connected to the HKBP Batak Protestant Church. </li>
<li>At around 14.30, the BARAK alliance arrived in front of the Nommensen campus. However, as soon as they arrived, campus authorities shut the gates and suddenly announced a holiday. </li>
<li>Staying in front of the campus, BARAK once again set up an open platform where people could speak about the reasons to resist the price rise and wait for news of the decision of the House of Representatives, currently meeting in Jakarta, about the fuel price rise. Campus staff paid no attention to this action and no police were in attendance. This provoked BARAK to blockade the street and burn tyres as a symbol of their resistance – a tactic used by many other students fighting the fuel price rise. The hope was that the government would send a team to engage in dialogue, but no-one came. </li>
<li>Since no-one from the government had come to react to the action, at around 19.00 the citizens and students started to become more restless and burnt even more tyres. This made the people feel that there was nothing that could restrain them. However the BARAK alliance made sure that people didn’t destroy anything. The author of this chronology expresses his regret that police did not arrive at that moment to ensure that the action continued peacefully. </li>
<li>At around 21.30 the news came through that the House of Representatives had reached agreement to raise fuel prices. On hearing this information, crowd’s emotions took over and now uncontrollable and full of anger and frustration, they began to destroy some public facilities, although the objective soon became a branch of Kentucky Fried Chicken located in front of the university. Ironically, even though the main city police station was only 700 meters away, the police still didn’t arrive to calm the situation. It really seems as if the police deliberately let the people fall into the trap of continuing to break the law. In that way, under the pretext that crimes had occurred, the police would have a reason to brutally attack the demonstration. That was later seen when the police arrived, directly attacking the demonstrators without any warning, reminders, or orders to move, in contradiction of their standard operating procedure for dealing with demonstrations which get out of control, such as is outlined in the Indonesian Police Chief’s ordinance 7/2012. Procedurally, the police should have first of all appealed for calm. Then if that failed they should use water cannons, and then as a last resort, fire warning shots to forcibly disperse the crowd. </li>
<li>At around 23.00 police units arrived from the opposing direction to the traffic flow and directly started to attack by firing their guns. This made the crowd become unfocussed and try to save themselves by forcibly destroying the campus gate, and some of the people ran towards the military police office. Yet without giving any orders the police continued to shoot wildly and give chase inside the campus, damaging University property in the process. </li>
<li>After the brutal attack was over, the police once again formed lines at the end of Jalan Sutomo, right next to the campus and the Angkasa Hotel. At that moment the students tried to negotiate, slowly advancing towards the police line, but were greeted with abuse from the police, who shouted things like: “you dogs, you pigs, motherfuckers that resist fuel price rises”. Just as students were trying to request the police not to shoot the people, shots suddenly rang out from the crossroads, not far from the police lines. It turned out that the shots were tear gas, and after that all hell broke loose. Suddenly police with riot shields charged the people. At the same time, police on motorbikes holding rifles drove into the people from the other direction, running into them with their bikes. </li>
<li>The police furiously started arresting people, striking them bloodthirstily, leaving around 126 people with split heads, and also broken arms and legs, lost teeth, spitting blood and so on. They also savagely drove their motorbikes into people, which was later found out to have been the cause of broken bones. </li>
<li>After this second brutal attack finished, the police not daring to enter the military police compound, the police returned to their formation once more. The students once again used a loudspeaker to request that the police didn’t attack. But once again the insults started coming “screw you, who do you think you are, etc.”, and as the negotiation was in process the attack came from four directions at once, which left 87 people arrested and hundreds seriously injured. Dozens of motorbikes were lost and one was burnt. The screams from the police could be heard “kill them, keep torturing them”. </li>
<li>At the time of the attack, in a restaurant in Jalan Sena (next to the military police office), dozens of students and their friends as well as passers-by and people who happened to be in the restaurant were sadistically beaten and arrested by police that arrived on trail bikes. The people arrested were ordered to remove their shirts and lined up lying down on the street. After this, police from the Medan city police headquarters once again struck them with wood and iron implements, punched and kicked them. Even more sick, the police spat and urinated on the people as they lay there under arrest. </li>
<li>The wallets of several people were taken, supposedly to check their identity, but the wallet was never returned, or returned but the money had been stolen by police officers. The whereabouts of several motorbikes belonging to people arrested have still not emerged. Many other motorbikes were damaged from being hit with blunt heavy objects or driven into by members of the police force. </li>
<li>At around 02.30 am the attacks stopped and the police took away 87 people. The BARAK alliance has received information that five students were critically injured by the shootings and torture. Even when already wounded, the people were harassed by police spitting and urinating on them and continuing to hit them. One student was hit by a sharp bullet shot from close range which had pierced the door to a bathroom where people had been hiding. </li>
<li>As this chronology was published in Indonesian on 4th July, 47 students were believed to be still held. However news has come through as the English translation is being finished on 5th July, that 12 people were released on the evening of the 3rd. 32 people are now believed to be held. </li>
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<i><span style="font-size: x-small;">source: <a href="http://selamatkanbumi.com/en/info-penangkapan-dan-penyiksaan-dari-medan/">http://selamatkanbumi.com/en/info-penangkapan-dan-penyiksaan-dari-medan/</a></span></i><a href="http://selamatkanbumi.com/en/info-penangkapan-dan-penyiksaan-dari-medan/"> </a><br />
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kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-77460792439897955752013-04-18T08:31:00.003-07:002013-04-18T08:31:46.425-07:00Papua Prison Island<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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An expression of people's desire for freedom, cries of “Papua Merdeka” continue to ring out through the cities, mountains and forests of West Papua. The struggle is against fifty years of Indonesian rule, which throughout the last half-century has violently tried to subdue Papua, in its attempts to create a unified nation from the 17,000 islands that once made up the Dutch Empire. <br /><br />Freedom as expressed by the word 'merdeka' is primarily a call for political independence, although the word is imbued with the clear hope that a new national sovereignty would also bring a wider liberation. Even when used outside the context of nations, 'merdeka' carries a sense of autonomy or self-reliance; from the same Sanskrit root Indonesian also inherited the word mahardika, meaning wisdom or nobility.<br /><br />Those cries of freedom are also heard from the cells of Papua's prisons, where its absence is arguably felt more strongly than anywhere else. The struggle for a national liberation suddenly becomes much more personal and immediate when deprived of your own individual liberty, by means of police handcuffs or a judge's order. <br /><br />Prison is used as a weapon against the people and their resistance to Indonesia, and over the years thousands of Papuans have found themselves locked away from the world behind prison bars. Many were arrested for expressing their aspirations for liberation, mostly relatively peacefully, but occasionally also for taking up arms. Others were merely unlucky enough to have been in the wrong place at the wrong time and got caught up in the structural violence of a justice system designed to spread intimidation throughout the entire population.<a name='more'></a><br />
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It is not always straightforward to know whether and how to relate to the macro-politics of nation states and aspirations of would-be nation states, and especially for those of us who are not in Papua and who are not forced into an existence defined by ever-present violence, repression, marginalisation and resistance. But by listening to the experiences of people caught up in that system, we can understand and be inspired by the ways that they have found to withstand oppression and create an impulse for their own freedom and that of their friends, families and communities.<br /><br />Here are some of the stories from Papua Prison Island, tales of some of the individuals who have felt the full force of Indonesia's law enforcement in recent years, who have been arrested at random or deliberately targeted as activists, who have been tortured or beaten in detention, whose trials were a farce, who have suffered major illnesses with no access to proper healthcare - but who have in many cases kept their strength, their dignity and sense of solidarity intact. <br />
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1. Repeated Targets: Buchtar Tabuni and Yusak Pakage</h3>
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A political prisoner is forever marked out as an enemy of the state. Those who survive the horrors of the prison system and emerge to continue their resistance after being released are particular targets for petty and personalised vengeance. This was the case in 2012, when two former political prisoners who have remained politically active, Buchtar Tabuni and Yusak Pakage, were rearrested and re-condemned, both under ridiculous pretexts.<br /><br />The story can be traced back to December 2010 when Miron Wetipo, a prisoner who had recently escaped from Abepura prison, was shot dead. News reached the prison and the prisoners' anger erupted spontaneously. As a riot commenced, two political prisoners stepped in to try to negotiate a resolution. Buchtar Tabuni, the then-leader of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), was serving three years for organising a demonstration, and Filep Karma fifteen years for raising the Morning Star flag, a banned symbol of West Papua. Their attempts at mediation were ignored and instead they were blamed for starting the riot. Along with three other prisoners they were transferred from the jail to police headquarters for three months, where they were initially denied food and family visits and were at constant risk of violent reprisals from the cops.<br /><br />Eventually the men were returned to the prison and the story could have ended there. Although Filep Karma's sentence is set to run for several more years, Buchtar served the rest of his sentence and was released nine months later. He continued to be a prominent activist fighting for independence. <br /><br />However, almost a year after his release on 6th June 2012, Buchtar Tabuni was arrested again. This piece of news only made minor headlines at the time, as everyone's attention was focussed on a wave of seemingly-random shooting incidents that was causing panic at the time around Jayapura, as they were occurring nearly every day. After Buchtar's arrest, the Jayapura police chief said in a press conference that he had been arrested in connection with a string of recent violent incidents, which would seem to imply the that he was accused of being involved in the shootings.<br /><br />However, when Buchtar's lawyer was able to see him, he established that the arrest was actually in connection with the prison riot 18 months before. But why should he be arrested suddenly now, if the case could have been brought to trial at any point in the nine months between the riot and Buchtar's release while he was still in custody? <br /><br />In fact, it appears that this arrest was part of a new wave of repression against the KNPB, an organisation which had been gaining in momentum across Papua over the past few years, mostly by organising open demonstrations in Papua's urban centres. It was to become a decisive move against the popular organisation; Victor Yeimo, who took over from Buchtar as KNPB chair, claimed that 21 KNPB members were killed and 55 imprisoned during the course of 2012. Just over a week after Buchtar was arrested, KNPB deputy leader Mako Tabuni would be gunned down by a police marksman as he was buying betel nut on a street corner.<br /><br />Buchtar's trial for violent disturbance started in July. It was reported that several KNPB members received threatening text messages not to attend the trial. Yusak Pakage was undeterred, however. He was also a former prisoner, having been sentenced to ten years in prison at the same flag-raising event in 2004 where Filep Karma had also been arrested. In July 2010 he was granted a pardon and released, after which he was involved in the Papuan Street Parliament (Parlamen Jalanan).<br /><br />Watching the farce of a trial, Yusak's frustration built up until he kicked over a rubbish bin. Bright red spit from someone who had been chewing betel nut spilled out of the bin and stained the trouser-leg of a public official. Yusak was arrested. While he was being searched, police found that he was carrying a penknife. This became the pretext to charge him under an Emergency Law from 1951, which prohibits carrying weapons.<br /><br />So for possessing this everyday object Yusak Pakage was sentenced to seven more months in prison. He has said that he believes he was targeted for having previously been a political prisoner, and it would be hard not to see it that way, as it is totally normal to carry not only penknives but also tools such as machetes and bows-and-arrows in Papua.<br /><br />Having already spent years behind bars does not make prison less of an isolating experience. Yusak Pakage, whose name is known around the world due to Amnesty International having promoted his case as a prisoner of conscience, told a local reporter how he was saddened at how few visitors he received in prison, especially after his sister moved to another city. While he knew local human rights activists were supporting him in other ways, whether out of fear or lack of motivation, they didn't come to visit.<br /><br />But prison can also sharpen the sense of solidarity with those facing the same fate. After being released from his eight month sentence, Buchtar Tabuni's first act was to go to the site of where his friend Mako Tabuni had been killed. A few days later he flew to Wamena to try to negotiate the release of other KNPB members which had been arrested in September, accused of possessing explosives. This trip was followed up by trips to Timika and Biak, where he also visited KNPB members in prison and tried to secure their release.<br />
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2. Left to Sicken and Die: Prisoners of the Wamena Arsenal case.</h3>
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On December 2012, Kanius Murib passed away in Wamena, 59 years old. He had been in prison since 2003, but in the last few months of his life the prison guards allowed his family to care for him, as by that time he was suffering from severe mental illness and failing physical health. Arrested with nine other people and sentenced to life imprisonment, he was the third prisoner from that case to die in custody.<br /><br />The accusation laid against the men was that they had carried out a raid on the weapons arsenal in a military base in Wamena on 4th April 2003. Not knowing who had carried out the attack, the military went on the rampage, sweeping through surrounding villages, meting out an undiscriminating collective punishment on the whole population, burning entire villages to the ground as they so often do when they take revenge. Several people were killed in these reprisals, and it is likely that many others starved to death in the mountains as they fled their homes.<br /><br />Kanius Murib's house was one of those burnt. He was arrested on 6th April. While still in military detention one week later he was dragged three kilometres to Ilekma Village, together with another man, Yapenus Murib. Kanius was handcuffed, Yapenus was pulled by ropes tied around his neck. This torture was more than a human body could take; he died shortly afterwards.<br /><br />Seven more men were arrested, and also experienced similarly brutal torture. One was able to escape, so together with Kanius Murib seven were left to stand trial. All were convicted of treason and sentenced to between twenty years and life.<br /><br />In December 2004 the other six men (Apotnalogolik Lokobal, Jafrai Murib, Linus Hiluka, Numbungga Telenggen, Kimanus Wenda and Michael Heselo) were woken up and forced to get in a truck. They were being moved to Gunung Sari Prison on Sulawesi Island, isolated from friends and family by 2000km of ocean. They remained there until 2007, when Michael Heselo fell ill in prison. Before his family could raise funds to come and visit him, he died in prison, aged 35.<br /><br />Protests broke out in Papua, demanding that the five men remaining in Makassar should be brought back to Papua. The authorities acceded to the request and the prisoners were divided between Nabire and Biak prisons - still a long way from home, but at least they were in Papua. But prison continued to take its toll on the men's health. In 2011, Kimanus Wenda started experiencing stomach pains and was vomiting all the time, and feared he had a tumour. Jafrai Murib, who would have been no more than 28 or 29 at the time, had a stroke, which left him almost paralysed.<br /><br />Both men urgently needed medical care, and it is the prison's responsibility to ensure inmates receive treatment, but the only attention they received was consultations with local doctors. The prison refused to pay for operations, or for their transfer to Jayapura, where better facilities were available.<br /><br />This happens time and time again. Filep Karma has also had a history of sickness in prison - kidney problems left him in severe pain for some time. After a long campaign to get treatment for him, finally local activists went out on the streets collecting donations so he could be operated on in Jakarta. In this way they managed to pay for the flights for him and his family, and international groups helped to pay the hospital bill. It is a sign of the force of his character, which has brought him through ten years of prison maintaining a stubborn and uncompromising commitment to his principles, that even as the money was being found, Filep was talking of refusing to leave unless another prisoner, Ferdinand Pakage, could also get treated - he even started a hunger strike. Ferdinand Pakage had been blinded in one eye after a beating by a prison guard, and continues to suffer as a result.<br /><br />For Kimanus and Jefrai, eventually local activists had no other choice but to go out on the streets and collect donations again. For doing what should have been the state's responsibility, collecting money to care for sick prisoners, fifteen people were arrested on 20th July 2012. One of them was Yusak Pakage, just three days before he would be arrested again in the courtroom incident.<br /><br />Eventually, after many months, enough donations were collected, in Papua, Jakarta and abroad, and prison authorities gave their permission for Kimanus and Jafrai to be transferred to Jayapura for treatment. In the end Kimanus was diagnosed with a hernia. But even after all that has happened, accessing health-care continues to be a struggle - the latest news is that Jafrai Murib was temporarily denied access to the physiotherapy he needs to recover from the stroke - as punishment for having a mobile phone in his cell.<br />
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3. In the mountains where no-one is watching: Prisoners in Wamena Prison</h3>
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Wamena, where Kanius Murib and the others were arrested, is the main town of Papua's Central Highlands, which support a higher population than other parts of Papua, but remain inaccessible. No usable road connects this high plateau to the coast, and news still doesn't reach the outside world so easily. It is in these mountains that most of the bloodiest military operations have taken place in recent years. When prisoners are taken they are usually accused of treason and often given long sentences based on spurious evidence. As lawyers and human rights groups, already overstretched in the lowlands, have not always had the resources to come up here, there is often no-one to support them. Few details about their cases circulate, and it can be difficult to find any information about them. Here's what we know:<br /><br />Tenius Murib and Jigi Jigibalom were arrested in a military sweeping operation in November 2003. Still in the early hours of the morning, troops surrounded a house in Bolakme village and opened fire, killing ten people. The two survivors were arrested, tortured and accused of belonging to the Free Papua Movement guerrilla army. One of the accusations was that they had participated in the same raid on the weapons dump described above. They were sentenced to 20 and 15 years respectively.<br /><br />Dipenus Wenda was arrested with three other men in March 2004, while they were giving out leaflets campaigning for a boycott of Indonesian elections. One of the four, Marius Koyoga, was shot dead while in police custody. The others went on trial for treason. Dipenus Wenda was sentenced to 14 years in prison.<br /><br />In January 2005, Yusanur Wenda and between six and eight others were arrested in Wunin district (information is so limited we are not even sure how many people were prosecuted in this case). Also accused of belonging to the OPM, they were supposed to have burnt down public buildings and schools. For this Yusunur Wenda was sentenced to 17 years, and the others also received long sentences. Local activists asked at the time why the OPM would be interested in burning schools. But there is another explanation: a week before the arrests even took place, a website called West Papua News had published an account of the burnings. In their story, it was Kopassus special forces and police mobile brigade (Brimob), which had arrived by helicopter, and burnt down not only the public buildings but all the houses in the village as well.<br /><br />In 2008, nine people were arrested while walking to a funeral in Yalengga village. They had been asked to carry a banned Morning Star flag so that the dead man could be buried beneath the Papuan flag. On the way they were intercepted by soldiers, arrested and tortured. Once again, the charge was treason, this time the sentence eight years. It is believed that these men were not even activists, yet they were condemned under laws intended for major attacks against the integrity of the Indonesian state.<br /><br />At present, out of all these cases, only six convicted political prisoners remain in Wamena prison. Four are from the Yalengga case: Oskar Hilago, Wiki Meaga, Meki Elosak and Obeth Kosay, as well as Yusanur Wenda and Depenus Wenda. Over the years the others have all managed to escape. Some were among the 42 people who broke out of Wamena prison on 4th June 2012. Another mass escape had taken place in 2009, with 43 people managing to escape. Finally in November 2012, two young men who had allegedly been in possession of OPM documents, saved themselves the perils of Indonesian justice by finding a way to break out before their case came to trial. It seems that the only chance for justice in Wamena is to take it for yourself. <br />
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4. Allegiance to the Wrong Flag: Repression Against Symbolic Acts of Resistance</h3>
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The charge of Makar, or treason, the infamous article 106 of Indonesia's criminal code has been used as a catch-all to repress Papuan movements. It was the principle charge in all the Central Highlands cases mentioned above. Whether the accusation is a peaceful act of dissent or armed rebellion, the charge is likely to be the same, probably because most of the other criminal accusations which could be brought are seen as lesser crimes. With article 106 it is possible to condemn someone to 20 years in prison, or even life, as in the case of Jafrai Murib.<br /><br />A flag has become a symbol both of what Indonesia cannot tolerate and the Papuan challenge to Indonesian authority. The Bintang Kejora (Morning Star) was first flown on December 1st 1961 at a point when the Dutch Colonial Government was preparing to hand over power to an independent West Papua, before Indonesia sent its armed forces to claim the area. After Suharto fell a special autonomy package granted by President Gus Dur expressly allowed the flag to be flown as a symbol of Papuan identity, but the military never accepted that policy. The special autonomy still stands in theory, but a Presidential Regulation forbade the Morning Star flag once more in 2007.<br /><br />Many people have gone to prison because of this particular piece of cloth, or even displaying the symbol on clothing, bags etc. Filep Karma is the most well known, and also the most extreme case, sentenced to fifteen years in prison for raising the flag on December 1st 2004. Actually this was the second time Morning Star flag had landed Filep in prison. The first time came just weeks after Suharto fell, and the people of Biak occupied the port, flying the flag from the water tower. The people held the port for four days, but then the military stormed in. Filep Karma was shot in both legs but survived, one of 150 people arrested that day. For many, the punishment was even more severe: according to local investigators, 139 bodies were loaded onto two navy ships to be dumped at sea.<br /><br />As he has long been a popular figure in Papuan resistance movements, large demonstrations accompanied both of Filep Karma's trials. At the trial for the 2004 flag-raising, the reason for the demonstrations was the prosecution's demand for a five-year sentence, which the crowd felt was extreme. Yet in the end the judge went much further, taking the unusual step of exceeding the prosecution's demand and condemning him to fifteen years and Yusak Pakage to ten.<br /><br />The 'Jayapura Five' were arrested at the Third Papuan People's Congress in October 2011. Their act of supposed treason was an act of provocation - or at least they knew the huge risks they were taking when they convened a congress where representatives from all over West Papua would meet to discuss their political future. Unsurprisingly, but bravely, the congress decided to declare independence. The flag was raised, and Forkorus Yaboisembut, leader of the Papuan Customary Council, was declared as President of the Federal Republic of West Papua. Edison Waromi, who had been imprisoned under political charges for twelve years in 1989, and then six months in 2001 and two years in 2002, was chosen as Prime Minister. Another former political prisoner, Selpius Bobii, who had organised the conference was also jailed, as were August Makbrawen Sananay Kraar and film-maker Dominikus Sorabut. They were sentenced to three years in jail.<br /><br />Also still in prison for raising flags are Darius Kogoya and Timur Wakerkwa, sentenced to three years and two-and-a-half years respectively for raising the Morning Star on 1st May 2012. And there have been many more prisoners in recent years for these symbolic acts of defiance: Septinus Rumere, an activist from Biak in his sixties, simply raised a flag outside his house in 2009 - he was sentenced to six months for treason. The Iba brothers were maybe hoping to get away with raising a flag which merely resembled the Morning Star in Bintuni in 2009, but they were sentenced to between two and three years anyway.<br /><br />Another case highlights how the cruel reality of the prison system clashes with the ways indigenous people find to assimilate the pressures on their lives and express their desire for liberation. In Demta village, on West Papua's northern coast, a group of villagers had built a meeting house they called Mammo and started believing in a king. Such messianic beliefs, sometimes known as cargo cults, have emerged in Melanesian cultures ever since they came into contact with colonialists, and can be seen as a reaction to these new patterns of domination. This group made a procession calling for repentance from humanity's wickedness and obedience to the king. Alongside the flag of the king, the Morning Star was also raised. The next morning, after the Mammo had been burnt down by local Christians, people from the group went to the police to avoid a violent conflict building up. They were arrested and charged with treason. After two months their release was negotiated, even if the charges were not formally dropped.<br /><br />People organising politically for the rights of indigenous people are also targetted. Edison Kendi and Yan Piet Maniamboi were arrested as organisers of a demonstration to mark World Indigenous People's Day on Yapen island on 9th August 2012. Their trial was still ongoing as this piece was being written, with rumours that the prosecution is asking for 20 years imprisonment. <br /><br />There have been no recent cases of people being imprisoned as a direct consequence of defending their land from the resource industries of logging, mining and plantations that are becoming ever-more rampant in West Papua, but the climate of repression is nevertheless opening doors to these industries, as there are plenty of reports from local people who feel too intimidated to taking a public stance against these development projects. After all, if raising a flag in your front garden can be considered treasonous, could not also standing in the way of a priority project for Indonesia's economic development, such as the MIFEE agribusiness project or the Freeport goldmine?<br />
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5. When the law itself is violence, do guilty and innocent continue to mean anything?</h3>
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While in recent years no long-term prisoners have resulted from the continuing conflict around the massive Freeport goldmine, it was a demonstration against that mine outside a university campus in Jayapura that led to a wave of arrests and intimidation in 2006. Twenty-three people spent an average of five years in jail after that demonstration, but by now most have been released. The exceptions are Luis Gedi and Ferdinand Pakage, who were sentenced to fifteen years each and are still inside, and Echo Berotabui, who succumbed to the despair and killed himself in prison.<br /><br />On the day of the demo, 16th March 2006, minor clashes broke out, but then the police tried to storm the demo and they misplayed it. Four policemen and one air-force officer were killed that day. Once again, the state's response was to react with widespread violence targeted against all and sundry. Seventy people were arrested, one or two were killed, and the campus emptied as students fled in panic. <br /><br />As the weeks went on, the state's handling of the case continued to be directed indiscriminately, more a thirst for revenge than an attempt to prosecute those who actually engaged in violence during the demonstration. Of the 23 people held and charged, all reported torture. People were forced under torture to make allegations against others. Luis Gedi was picked up on the street and forced to admit to killing policeman Rahman Arizona and to give another name as his accomplice. After being subjected to torture the name that he gave was Ferdinand Pakage. The police went to arrest Ferdinand and then they demanded to know where was the knife that had been used to kill Rahman. They made him go to the campus to try and find it. Then they shot him in the foot, and he told the police the knife was at his house. The police went there and seized his mother's vegetable knife.<br /><br />Similar stories continued throughout the trial process, with intimidation and a thirst for vengeance running high, police caring little whether the people they had in the dock were the perpetrators or not.<br />
<br />At one point, when 16 men had already been sentenced, police tried to force one of them, Nelson Rumbiak to appear as a witness for the prosecution in the trial of the remaining seven. When his testimony contradicted the police version of events, the police beat him up. As a response the remaining seven defendants refused to leave the prison to attend the next hearing, and convicted prisoners backed them up by throwing stones at the vehicle that came to take them to court. When another man was later arrested in connection to the same trial, all 23 prisoners wrote to the prison governor, saying that they would not testify for the prosecution, 'even if they should be shot dead'.<br /><br />Ferdinand Pakage lost an eye in prison in September 2008, after he was beaten by a guard who was holding his keys. The wound left behind has continued to cause problems over the years.<br /><br />In the multiplicity of forms of struggle for Papuan independence, acts of violence do occur, but the state's hysterical response means that 'guilty' and 'innocent' cease to be distinguishable. Dani Kogoya is believed to be a member of the TPN/OPM guerrilla army, and has been accused of co-ordinating an attack in Nafri near Jayapura, where one military officer and three civilians were killed. He was arrested in September 2012 and is being tried with four other people.<br /><br />Dani has reportedly admitted his involvement in the killings, and expressed regret. Although that confession was made under duress, it is certainly possible that he was involved. What is definate is that neither he nor those accused of being in his gang will stand any chance of a fair trial. The ground has already been laid out: assuming his guilt a year previously police and military conducted a raid where Dani was supposed to have lived. The local community leader was forced to dig a hole while soldiers threatened him at gunpoint. At least fifteen people were held and tortured or maltreated. Dani's eight-year-old daughter was reported to have been kidnapped and disappeared for a week. During his own arrest in 2012, Dani Kogoya was shot (police said that he was trying to escape), and his leg needed to be amputated. As the trial commenced, and the prosecution laid out its evidence, none of the witnesses they presented could testify to having seen Dani Kogoya carry out the attack.<br /><br />Papua’s political prisoners stand almost no chance of receiving proper legal representation as the intimidation of lawyers is intense, claiming they are also committing treason. When the accusations are non-violent acts it is bad enough, but when violence has been involved the stakes are even higher. For example, in the case following the 2006 anti-Freeport demonstration, lawyers received death threats by text message against them and their family, and the house that one of them was staying in was pelted with stones. During Filep Karma's 2004 trial, a severed dog's head was left outside his lawyers' office, alongside a note mentioning them by name.<br />
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6. Targeting the KNPB: how the state terrorizes social movements.</h3>
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Late afternoon on 29th September 2012 at the West Papua National Committee's (KNPB)Wamena secretariat, riot police and military showed up and arrested the people present. They claimed they had found two ready-assembled bombs on the premises. More raids would take place over the weeks and months to follow, in Wamena and also Timika, Biak and Jayapura, all involving members of the KNPB. Other KNPB members would be placed on the wanted list, effectively forcing them into hiding.<br /><br />One of these arrests, in Wamena in mid-December was especially tragic. As three men were being arrested, police pressed them to give more names. They forced one of the men, Meki Kogoya, to phone another KNPB activist, Huburtus Mabel, and arrange a meeting for the next day. Being in custody, Meki was unable to turn up for the rendezvous, but the police were there and shot Huburtus Mabel, who died from his wounds and also Natalias Alua, who was left in a coma, but eventually recovered. Once again, they were allegedly trying to resist arrest.<br /><br />However, beyond the names of the suspects, little information is known about this Wamena case. It is from Timika, where trial proceedings are in course, that there is much more news. It appears that twelve people were arrested early in the morning of October 19th, as the KNPB were preparing to organise public activities over the coming days. The police claimed to the press that they had found metal pipes and powders to be used in bomb-making. <br /><br />Six of the activists were set free after five days, and the remaining six charged under an emergency law from 1951, which prohibits the carrying of weapons - a different article of the same law as that used to sentence Yusak Pakage for the penknife. Also used in the Wamena and Biak cases, this law is rapidly becoming the state's preferred strategy for criminalising independence activists.<br /><br />When the case came to court, the allegations were toned down somewhat. It appears that only one of the six was accused of possessing explosives, which he denies. The explosives in question are a kind commonly used for dynamite fishing - an ecologically destructive practice to be sure, but not an indication that they would be used against people. The others were accused of possessing panah wayar - a kind of barbed arrow used for fishing, and other tools. In Papua, bows and arrows are carried by almost everyone, as they are used for hunting and fishing and are a symbol of cultural identity. As the weapons charges seemed rather flimsy, the charge of treason was also added before the case came to trial.<br /><br />It seems very strongly that this wave of arrests has been very deliberately planned to neutralise the KNPB. Even more so when coupled with a string of assassinations throughout 2012 and the politically-motivated use of the police wanted list. <br /><br />The KNPB is an organisation which, since 2008, has tried to organise big demonstrations in cities across Papua. Their principal call has been for a referendum on independence to replace the flawed UN sponsored 'Act of Free Choice' in 1969, and they have closely aligned themselves with international initiatives to mobilise support for the Papuan cause amongst lawyers and parliamentarians. Papuan people responded and many thousands dared to come on the demonstrations, building a rapidly growing movement across West Papua. <br /><br />To organise openly in this way was a bold step, relocating the focus of the struggle from the forest to the cities. Although many KNPB members see theirs as a revolutionary struggle, they also recognise the need for mass participation, and so there is a desire to focus on more non-violent forms of struggle. KNPB leaders have repeatedly stressed this point.<br /><br />Actually it appears that there have been a couple of explosions that have taken place in Papua recently. Both were in Wamena - one in an empty police outpost and the other in an empty government building. It's important to emphasize that these were empty buildings and there were no injuries - and also that those arrested in Wamena are not believed to be charged with causing these explosions. But it is also possible to imagine that some independence activists may end up choosing this kind of clandestine action. Especially as attempts to organise openly using peaceful methods which should be interpreted as legal are met with long prison terms or even police bullets. <br /><br />Increasingly prominent in the political policing of West Papua is a group called Densus 88. Set up as an anti-terror squad after the 2002 Bali bombings, their focus has mainly been countering Islamic terrorism. There too, the sensationalism that surrounds their attacks on radical Muslims, and the frequency that they shoot-to-kill has raised accusations that they are causing the radicalisation of certain Muslim communities in response. In Papua, they are accused of carrying out assassinations, of activists and non-activists. A sign of their increasing prominence is that the latest chief of police in Papua was promoted to the position after running Densus 88.<br /><br />In Papua, it is not really clear whether some activists are storing explosives or not, and if so what they intend to do with them. What is certain is that during the course of 2012 it has become much more difficult for groups who want to express their aspirations openly on the streets to do so. In early 2013, prominent Papuan advocate Benny Wenda made a major diplomatic tour around the US, Australia, New Zealand and Pacific Island States. Normally the KNPB would have been out on the streets to show support for his initiatives. But there have been no such demonstrations. It seems that right now, actions like this have become almost impossible.<br />
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7. Papua Prison Island</h3>
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In 2013, the arrests continue: One person arrested and two others on the wanted list for organising a demonstration in Manokwari, four people arrested in Sarmi accused of being OPM members, another seven held near Jayapura and tortured by police demanding to know the whereabouts of independence activists, two of which have been kept in prison. Then there have been a number of cases in Paniai, in the western part of Papua's highlands: six people were arrested and held for a month before being released for a lack of evidence, two teenagers were also arrested in a separate case and held for two weeks, and there have been two other reported cases of arrest and torture.<br /><br />And these are only the political cases: with Papuans so extremely economically and socially marginalised in their own land, and with clear evidence of systematic racism in all parts of the state bureaucracy, we can only wonder what might be the stories of those condemned to prison for non-political crimes. <br /><br />Prison is just one extreme form of how people are deprived of their freedom in West Papua. While some Papuans are being giving jail sentences, others are being cheated out of their ancestral land by plantation companies, forced to flee their villages due to military operations, or simply unable to find a way to make a living when the possibilities for work fall overwhelmingly to migrants from outside Papua. But none of these injustices are isolated. The prison system is one tool the Indonesian state uses to crush opposition and so maintain these patterns of oppression. Many of those held captive have been denied their personal liberty as punishment for seeking a wider liberation. <br /><br />Meanwhile Indonesia's latest strategy is to pacify Papua with promises of development programs, organised unilaterally from Jakarta, whilst glossing over the structural causes of oppression - for example ministers have denied that there are any political prisoners in Papua, only criminals. But economic development without freedom cannot bring peace, merely intimidate people into coercive obedience. It is encouraging that so many in Papua, including many prisoners, refuse to be intimidated.<br /><br /><i>---Much of the information for this article came from <a href="http://www.papuansbehindbars.org/">http://www.papuansbehindbars.org</a> , a new project to document the cases of West Papuan Political prisoners. That site has profiles of current and former political prisoners and releases monthly news updates on arrests, trials etc. However, this is an opinion piece which does not represent the position of the Papuans Behind Bars project---</i>kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-89842431904103006562013-03-08T08:50:00.002-08:002013-03-08T08:50:50.864-08:00Agrarian Struggle takes a Deep Breath. Notes from the Second Congress of the Forum for Communication between Agrarian Communities (FKMA)Not many people, neither left-wing activists nor intellectual defenders of agrarian justice, will have ever heard his name, let alone met him. Mukhlis, a young peasant farmer from Rengas village, Ogan Ilir, South Sumatra, was one of twelve victims shot by police mobile brigade (Brimob) in December 2009. On that bloody Friday, he and hundreds of other villagers were defending the reoccupation of their land which had previously been seized by state-owned plantation company PTPN VII. Hot metal pierced his finger. A rubber bullet struck his forehead. The ring finger on his right hand is now shorter than it should be. <br /><br />Mukhlis remembers, “On that day I was leaving to wash in preparation for Friday prayers. My mother told me “There's no need to go and join in (defending the land occupation), you're still young, you'll just get shot.” Mukhlis was 23 at the time. “But it wasn't at anyone's invitation that I decided to join the struggle. Something inside of me was calling,” he continued, as he raised the palm of his hand towards his breast. <br />
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Since 1982, thousands of hectares in and around Rengas village, which local people had cultivated for decades and had passed from generation to generation, were taken over by PTPN VII (previously PTP. XI.XXII) to plant sugar cane for the Cinta Manis (Sweet Love) Sugar Factory. It was one of hundreds of stories of land seizures by corporations or the state during Suharto's New Order administration. These forcible expropriations were accompanied by acts of intimidation, harassment and other violence, and a lack of transparency when it came to awarding compensation. At the time Rengas villagers were given compensation of 150,000 rupiahs per hectare or 15 rupiah per square meter. “Our parents were forced to look for farmland in other regencies. And they had to rent the land,” Mukhlis recalls. <br /><br />Three years after Mukhlis and dozens of other villagers were wounded by the violence of state troops and hired thugs, it was Angga's turn to become a martyr. On 27th July 2012, bloody Friday returned once more. This twelve year old kid became the latest sacrifice to Brimob's guns as they swept through Limbang Jaya village, in Ogan Ilir. In Limbang Jaya. As in Rengas, villagers had long been fighting for their rights to the land seized by PTPN VII Cinta Manis. State forces have always responded to the people's struggle with intimidation, and sometimes with gunshots. <br /><br />These tragic incidents have not dampened the efforts of Mukhlis and the other villagers to keep fighting for their rights. Together with two other farmers from Rengas, Mukhlis represented his community at the second congress of the Forum for Communication between Agrarian Communities (FKMA) in the Ambarbinangun Youth Hall, Kasihan, Bantul, Yogyakarta Speial District, last 8th-10th February. I was involved as a volunteer helping with technical aspects of the organisation. <br /><br />The evening that he reached the congress location, Adi, a colleague of Mukhlis from Rengas, related how enthusiastic they were about this opportunity to share experience about the crucial problems were facing, and to create bonds of solidarity between peasants from different areas under the umbrella of FKMA.<br />
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The Story Begins. 1st April 2011, Kulon Progo Shoreline Farmers' Association was celebrating five years of struggle resisting an iron mine on the south coast. The mine would evict peasant farmers from the area, claiming that the land belongs to Pakualaman Ground (ie. the local Sultan's palace). Visitors came to this event from the South Kebumen Farmer's Association Forum (FPPKS) and Wot Galih villagers Solidarity Forum (Foswot) from Lumajang who were also fighting against iron mining. This convergence strengthened communication between the three communities towards the strategic agenda of their struggles, and would also begin to extend the network throughout Java <br /><br />On the 20th - 22nd December 2011 a meeting for farmers was organised in Kulon Progo. It was attended by ten grassroots communities, from Pati, Lumajang, Kebumen, Cilacap, Kulon Progo, Blitar, Banten, Tasikmalaya, Ciamis, Cilacap and Lapindo mudflow victims from Sidoarjo. Each community had experienced very similar kinds of agrarian situations where the state and corporations had threatened and/or removed people from the land that formed their living space. The founding of the FKMA would be <a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2012/01/javan-farmers-declaration.html">declared</a> in this meeting. <br /><br />Before the declaration, all the different groups shared experience about each of ther local situations, discussed, mapped out the different actors and different problems which each community was facing. Some examples were treating cases as isolated conflicts, creating a discourse which favoured the company, outsiders creating divisions between the people in order to take advantage of conflict to further their own ends. Peasants were even being charged with criminal offences, in a grand plot of state officials and businessmen working together to deprive the people of their means to support themselves. <br /><br />The forum has continued to develop communication and consolidate strong bonds of solidarity. The network has also been expanded both to agrarian communities and also others. As more and more agrarian conflicts continued to break out across the country, FKMA organised a second congress. Apart from representatives from the Indonesian Peasant's Union (SPI) and Rengas Youth Front (FPR) in Ogan Ilir, other groups in attendance included PPLP Kulon Progo, Sedulur Sikep from Pati, People's Alliance Against Evictions (ARMP) from Parangtritis, Bantul, South Blora Peasant Union and The People Accuse Movement (GERAM) from Blora; Sumedang Independent Peasant Farmers Group, Fisherfolk Forum (Fornel) and Balong Community in Union (PMB) from Jepara, People's Movement Against Aqua Danaone Factory (GRAPAD) from Banten, Urutsewu United from Kebumen, The Voice of Lapindo Mudflow Victims/AL FAZ from Sidoarjo and Foswot from Lumajang.<br />
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The first day of the congress, Friday 8th February, was quite tough. Before the group had even finished outlining all the cases and latest developments from each community, the forum was interrupted by the arrival of more than a dozen intelligence agents from the police and military. After negotiation, the discussion was able to resume smoothly. <br /><br />An important point which emerged in the Second Congress of FKMA was the question of movement autonomy. “Towards an Autonomous Grassroots Resistance” was chosen as the conference slogan. FKMA was not conceived as an umbrella organisation that would seek to standardize the movement. The diverse strategies of struggle chosen by each community should be maintained as much as possible. The only thing was, and this was something which was only agreed after two days of long discussions and sharing of thoughts and emotions, was that there was a need to regard with caution outsiders that want to help the struggle, whether they be academics, NGOs, mass organisations, student organisations or other elements of civil society. Particular attention was drawn to the political parties which frequently take advantage of grassroots movements to further their own narrow or elitist interests, especially in the run-up to the 2014 elections. <br /><br />This important point didn't just emerge out of nowhere. During the discussion, each community could share experiences of how such outside groups had taken advantage of their struggle. In wasn't only that they had used the struggle for their own agenda, but they were also judged to have weakened the movement, because they had secretly also affiliated themselves with the movements' enemies. In the end they only caused divisions in the movements' solidarity. <br /><br />“Therefore, does that mean that movements need to avoid networking with these outside groups, especially NGOs and academics?” was the immediate response which arose, both during the Forum's internal discussions and also in the public discussion on the last day of the congress. <br /><br />No. On one hand, it was re-emphasized that FKMA is not a movement which believes in only one single path of struggle, and on the other, FKMA does not want to be be an exclusive movement. This was the answer given to that question. It means that FKMA still needs solidarity from different elements of society that wish to strengthen the movement. <br /><br />“Please show your solidarity, but don't take over!” <br /><br />Another important point was the strategy of how to confront state violence. Campaigns promoting “non-violent resistance” emerge increasingly frequently, while physical confrontations between state forces and local people in agrarian conflicts take place all the time. There was also an attempt to understand the rationale behind these campaigns, given that currently peasants often take the blame for these physical confrontations, especially in reports in the mainstream media. <br /><br />If people blockade a road, this image is already considered an act of violence. But if state forces shoot the people then they are judged to be 'maintaining stability and security'. Yet which group is actually being violent here?<br />
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<br />Sunday Lunchtime, 10th February, after the public discussion which was led by Mukhlis from Ogan Ilir and Linggo from Sumedang, the statement of the Second FKMA congress was read out. Standing together with fourteen other people, Sumanto from PPLP Kulon Progo led the declaration. <br /><br />The declaration was a summary of discussions through the three days of the congress. The main subjects which inspired the declaration were the mechanisms of repression the people face, eviction of their living space that results from the cosy relationship between the state and corporations, whether in the framework of regulations or acts of violence. <br /><br /><a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2013/02/statement-of-second-autonomous-peasant.html">[for full text of declaration see here]</a><div style="text-align: center;">
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<br />This declaration opens the way for fresh energy for agrarian struggle, a chance for the movement to take a deep breath. This is not only seen in the assertive attitude proclaimed in the statement, but also through the active involvement of Mukhlis and other young peasants in the FKMA. As Linggo mentioned in the public discussion, an autonomous agrarian movement needs peasants who are in active resistance. The feeling also emerged in the meeting that an agrarian struggle that can 'breathe deeper' needs the involvement of many younger peasants with a will to resist. <br /><br />The congress ignited the spirit for agrarian struggles, peasants in struggle and young peasant farmers. Because agrarian struggle will not be over even supposing that the various agrarian conflicts mentioned in the statement should one day be resolved. More than just about who wins each dispute, agrarian struggle is a matter of autonomy and the how people in a society can have sovereignty over their own lives. <br /><br />In a paper he wrote for the second FKMA congress, Indonesian agrarian expert Gunawan Wirandi said that peasant farmers were the foundations of civilisation. Therefore a struggle that has agrarian justice as its goal “cannot be merely a moment, not just a day or two, not just a month or two. This is a long-term struggle, and we have to be aware of that.” <br /><br />After quoting Gandhi's Seven Social Sins - politics without principle, wealth without work, commerce without morality, knowledge without character, pleasure without conscience, science without humanity and religion without sacrifice - that he believes are plaguing our lives, Gunawan Wiradi said he hoped that the second FKMA congress could fertilise togetherness, solidarity, a belief in the power of struggle, and a resilience to be always ready to make sacrifices on the long road ahead. <br /><br />At dawn before the public discussion on the last day of the congress, I had the chance to chat to Mukhlis. He told me how much he would like to visit all the other places that congress participants had come from in order to see directly the problems they were facing. “Unfortunately I can't right now. But I would really like to... Maybe another time...” <br /> <b><br />Long Live Solidarity! Long Live the Struggle! </b><br /><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span><div style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;">By Udin Choirudn, FKMA Solidarity Volunteer </span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: x-small;">Source: Selamatkan Bumi:<a href="http://selamatkanbumi.com/merawat-nafas-panjang-perjuangan-agraria-risalah-kongres-ii-forum-komunikasi-masyarakat-agraris-fkma/"> http://selamatkanbumi.com/merawat-nafas-panjang-perjuangan-agraria-risalah-kongres-ii-forum-komunikasi-masyarakat-agraris-fkma/ </a></span></div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-49790542131382365622013-03-08T08:13:00.001-08:002013-03-08T08:13:45.451-08:00Grassroots Towards Autonomy<i>'We farm or we die, resist the iron mine.' </i><br /><br />This extremely brave slogan was taken from the Manifesto of the Kulon Progo Farmer's Struggle, written by the Coastal Farmers' Association (PPLP). For the farmers who live in this regency in the western part of Yogyakarta Special Region , this slogan represents the culmination of all their anxiety, anger and resistance to the mining company Indo Mines Ltd, headquartered in Perth, Australia, and supported by the Yogyakarta Special Region government. <br /><br />However, Java's southern coast tends to attract relatively little attention, and so neither have the farmers' struggles to defend their land there. Java's economic growth has up until now mostly focussed on its northern shore. The southern coast is rich in valuable minerals. Iron sands, gold, vanadium, titanium, uranium, and also mineral water lie below the earth's surface. These minerals have not yet been much exploited. <br /><br />Protected by claims of development and economic growth, local government believes they need to bring progress to the Southern Java coast. One way is through mining projects. This agenda is surely not without its other implications. For example, the plan to build a southern Java trunk road, funded by loans from the Asian Development Bank, for which it would surely be necessary to expropriate land and evict residents. <br /><br />Facts such as these have become the focus for the Kulon Progo farmers' nervousness. Especially as they most certainly have to face the planned iron sands mine. A plan which, if enacted, would mean they would lose their farmland. <a name='more'></a><br />'We <i>(the Kulon Progo farmers, ed)</i> were nervous at the time. We would chat about how it would be if we got to know other people in struggle. It wasn't on purpose, but we got in contact with others in Lumajang and Kebumen,' said Widodo from PPLP-KP. <br /><br />Farmers from the three different regencies met at PPLP-KP's third anniversary celebrations in 2009. That was when the idea to build a network came up. People liked the idea and it caught on. After various meetings, people agreed to create a forum. Its objective, to consolidate collective strengths between our communities. <br /><br />On 20th-22nd December 2011, in the first Autonomous Peasant Farmer Conference, the forum was created. Several points were agreed, includng a name: the Forum for Communication between Agrarian Communities - Forum Komunikasi Masyarakat Agraris (FKMA). There was also a decision to maintain the same intensity of communication between members of the forum. <br /><br />Communication continues between the different regencies. At the same time, each regency made an effort to be accessible to other communities in struggle. This effort paid off. New groups kept joining FKMA, which went from the original three regencies to encompass twelve regencies. As the members increased, the problems they were facing became more diverse. Whereas in Kulon Progo and Kebumen, peasants were resisting a mine, in Parangtritis, Bantul, street-traders were resisting eviction. <br /><br />The diversity of problems they are facing is not a problem for FKMA. Because, Widodo explained, the core of the problems are the same. Living space (generally land) is being seized by the State and corporations. Even though it is exactly this living space, they explain, that brings security to their lives. <br /><br />'I would say that right now, with the land I own, I feel my livelihood is secure', said Widodo. <br /><br />The groups which have joined FKMA since that time consider the forum important to strengthen networks. <br /><br />“This forum consolidates our network. So information from Ogan Ilir can reach Jakarta, Jogja, Kulon Progo and so on,” said Muhammad Sazili, a member of the Rengas Youth Front (FPR) Ogan Ilir, and also a student in Bengkulu University, when he was asked why he joined the FKMA. <br /><br />Over a year passed before the communities involved in FKMA gathered once more for the second Autonomous Farmers Congress. At that event, the participants identified problems and formulated the next steps for their movement. Although intelligence agents (from both the police and military) paid a visit, the congress successfully took place between 8th -10th February 2013. <br />
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<br /><i>To imagine a world without farmers is like imagining a world without food. In the same way, if we imagine a nation which ignores its people can we really believe in its sovereignty? Yet the state's architects are engaged in conjuring up such dark visions right now, as they become corporations' loyal servants. </i><br /><br />That is the opening paragraph of the statement of the second Autonomous Farmer's Congress. At around 2pm, the statement was read aloud by Sumanto, a Kulon Progo peasant, in a room belonging to the Ambarbinangun Youth Hall in Yogyakarta. <br /><br />One step behind Sumanto stood 14 people. Sumanto and the other 14 were representatives of the communities which had become victims of the collusion between the state and corporations to take over people's living space. They came from various areas: Sumedang, Kulon Progo, Lumajang, Jepara, Blora, Pati, Ogan Ilir, Parangtritis, Sidoarjo, Tasikmalaya, and Banten. There should also have been a representative of Kebumen in attendance. However, a few hours before the statement was read out, they had to go back home. Military intimidation of an action by peasants back in Kebumen meant they needed to leave before the congress finished. <br /><br />Cries of 'Hidup Rakyat!', 'Long live the people!' could be heard across the congress room just after the statement was read out. Reading the statement was the closing act of the congress.<br />
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<br />A public discussion had taken place for about two hours before the reading of the statement. Apart from those involved in FKMA, several academics, journalists and members of other organisations involved in social movements attended. Mukhlis (a peasant from Ogan Ilir) and Linggo (a peasant from Sumedang) were chosen as spokespeople. According to the theme chosen for the meeting “Towards an Autonomous Grassroots resistance”, Mukhlis and Linggo explained their experience of autonomous struggle to defend living space. They also shared their views on autonomous movements. <br /><br />“Enough is enough, we just believe in ourselves. That's what we want to say to our friends who have come here.” <br /><br />Mukhlis' belief in the importance of an autonomous movement didn't come from nowhere. It was learnt from experience. Mukhlis and his colleagues in Ogan Ilir have often been manipulated by people they had originally trusted. For example, they had previously asked several lawyers, and even the Supreme Court, for help in resolving land disputes in Ogan Ilir. But they did not get the results they hoped for. Mukhlis also thinks that the state is ignoring its duty to protect its citizens. <br /><br />“If you say you live in Indonesia, that's bullshit! This isn't a country,” said the young man who had once been shot by police mobile brigade in Ogan Ilir in 2009. <br /><br />Mukhlis also mentioned news reports in the mainstream media that don't take the side of the people. He gave the Ogan Ilir conflict as an example. In media reports, the people of Ogan Ilir were portrayed as being the ones who started the conflict because they burnt company property. <br /><br />“But they didn't mention the reason why the people were burning things.” <br /><br />This tendency in the mainstream media gave FKMA the initiative to make its own media. It is hoped that this media will be able to balance out the bias from the mainstream media. They are aware how important it is for an autonomous movement to have its own media. <br /><br />Linggo's opinions about autonomous movements struck a similar note to those of Mukhlis. He said two phrases which in Indonesian use the same words with the order reversed: 'pejuang petani' and 'petani pejuang'. The English translation would be 'those who struggle for peasants' and 'peasants in struggle'. Those who struggle for peasants refers to the movements that try to defend peasant rights. These movements can take the form of NGOs or mass organisations. Although he still expresses his gratitude towards these movements, Linggo believes that what an autonomous movement needs are farmers in struggle. An autonomous movement needs people who are brave enough to fight for their own future. <br /><br />“Since the nineties, the movement isn't big because it isn't autonomous.” <br /><br />For him, an autonomous movement is a movement that is not tied down by dependency. When there is an unequal relationship, it is hard for the people to get what they really want. A movement that is not autonomous also brings the potential that the people end up as nothing more than a reserve of voters. <br /><br />That was something which has actually been experienced by Watin, who was also involved in the discussion. Watin, who was a trader in Parangkusomo before being evicted under Bantul local regulation No 5 about prostitution, told of how a political party approached people in the area. They were enticed with promises of help that would be given if the people agreed to vote for one of the candidates in the 2014 Presidential election. But the people attending the congress seem to be aware of how to react to political parties. This was explicitly stated by Linggo and Watin when they said they would not be voting in the 2014 elections. <br /><br />If we agree, we suffer. If we do not agree, we face repression. Therefore, what use is it to depend on political parties, on circles of authority?' asked Linggo. <br /><br />As a response to Mukhlis and Linggo's statements about autonomous movements, the question of solidarity arose in the discussion. A participant named Agus Subhan said that solidarity was an important matter for the movement. Solidarity, in his view was a way for others to make some form of intervention. It is important to clarify how solidarity could fit with an autonomous movement. <br /><br />Sumanto answered Subhan's concerns. He said that solidarity was still necessary. But communities should still be cautious when building solidarity links with other groups. They must make sure that decision-making still rests in their own hands, free from outside intervention. <br /><br />“We need to remain alert. Our strength rests at the grassroots. We will continue to rise up and fight.”<br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Authors: Sita Magfira dan Suluh Pamuji</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span><span style="font-size: x-small;">Source: Indoprogress - <a href="http://indoprogress.com/akar-rumput-menuju-kemandirian">http://indoprogress.com/akar-rumput-menuju-kemandirian</a> </span></div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-30125449769667234422013-03-06T06:39:00.000-08:002013-03-06T06:39:14.967-08:00Save Pandumaan-SipituhutaHave you heard? Land conflict has occurred in Indonesia, again: One side wants to destroy the environment for the sake of mass production, the other aims to stop it. It’s an old song that’s repeating itself over and over again. But as long as there’s still injustice, let’s crank the volume up. If you love Indonesia’s beauty and hope to see it last, you know on which side of the stage you should stand. <br />
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The conflict takes place in Pandumaan and Sipituhuta, two areas in Humbang Hasuhutan Regency, North Sumatra Province, where a Tano Batak indigenous community lives. The conflict broke out after PT Toba Pulp Lestari decided to replace the people’s Styrax benzoin forest called Tombak Haminjon, part of the people’s indigenous territory, with industrial eucalyptus trees for its paper production line. <br />
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Having been on this land for 13 generations, the people of Pandumaan and Sipituhuta have been benzoin harvesters for more than 300 years. The Styrax trees have been their primary source of income. Consequently, they treat the land and trees with respect. According to writer Limantina Sihaloho in her <a href="http://haminjonbatak.wordpress.com/2009/09/">article</a> on Haminjon Batak, one of the indigenous community’s elders told her the benzoin harvesters have to pure in speech and actions, otherwise the trees will not yield superior benzoin resin, or that their work in the forest will be met with difficulties. During a harvest season, the men would stay in the forest for several days, while the women would come bearing food for them from time to time. The forest has unifying values for the indigenous people around it. The haminjon forest, full of blessings and inspiration, has also been immortalized in folk songs, which are filled with the people’s praises to God for having given them the trees to support their life. To protect these trees from any man-made harm is also a spiritual responsibility to these people. <br />
<a href="http://bekabuluh.files.wordpress.com/2013/03/save-forest-save-local-wisdom-3jpg1.jpg"><img src="http://bekabuluh.files.wordpress.com/2013/03/save-forest-save-local-wisdom-3jpg1.jpg?w=470&h=353" /></a><br />
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The indigenous community has opposed the existence of PT Toba Pulp Lestari, and fought against the corporation’s land grabbing activities within their territory, since 2009. A special committee with Humbang Hasundutan Regency’s House of Representatives has mapped out land boundaries and asked Indonesia’s Ministry of Forestry to leave the people’s indigenous forest out of the state-owned forest zone and PT Toba Pulp Lestari’s concession. Yet up until now, there has been no legal document issued by the Ministry of Forestry to back it up, while the Styrax trees continue to be cut down and roads continue to be built within the forest. <br />
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The people have made complaints and launched physical attacks, with their latest display of anger resulting in the burning of the company’s excavation machinery on the last week of February this year. Up until now, 31 members of the Pandumaan and Sipituhuta indigenous community have been arrested. The clash led to the rally of about 2,000 indigenous peoples in Tano Batak before the Humbang Hasundutan Police Station, urging the chief to release the arrested members of their community. <br />
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Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (AMAN, or The Alliance of the Indigenous Peoples of the Archipelago) says in its statement that it deeply regrets this incident and strongly condemns the arrests carried out by the security forces. It urges PT. Toba Pulp Lestari and the military to respect the rights of the indigenous people in Pandumaan and Sipituhuta, and states that the Government of Indonesia must take concrete actions to address this conflict. Futhermore, AMAN and anyone who has chosen to side with the people call for the release all members of the indigenous community of Pandumaan and Sipituhuta that have been detained. Moreover, we ask the security authorities to do their actual job to prevent violence, maintain peace, and serve the people in attaining their rights. <br />
<a href="http://bekabuluh.files.wordpress.com/2013/03/pollung.jpg"><img src="http://bekabuluh.files.wordpress.com/2013/03/pollung.jpg?w=470&h=353" /></a><br />
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BEKABULUH would also like to encourage the boycott on products by PT Toba Pulp Lestari, including the Paper One brand. The company should know that Indonesian and international consumers are well-informed and will not tolerate its environmentally destructive and socially intrusive and abusive activities, and will only resume to using its products once it returns to responsible business ethics. <br />
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Extending Sihaloho’s call of action: Save the benzoin forest, save local wisdom. Save Pandumaan-Sipituhuta. Together we can.<br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">source: <a href="http://bekabuluh.com/2013/03/04/save-pandumaan-sipituhuta/">http://bekabuluh.com/2013/03/04/save-pandumaan-sipituhuta/</a></span><a href="http://bekabuluh.com/2013/03/04/save-pandumaan-sipituhuta/"> </a></div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-48109094859223382132013-02-16T03:45:00.002-08:002013-02-16T03:49:44.620-08:00Statement of the Second Autonomous Peasant Farmer's Congress, 10th February 2012 - Forum for Communication between Agrarian Communities<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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To imagine a world without farmers is like imagining a world without food. In the same way, if we imagine a nation which ignores its people can we really believe in its sovereignty? Yet the state's architects are engaged in conjuring up such dark visions right now, as they become corporations' loyal servants.<br />
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In the name of development, the state and corporations continue to expropriate peasant farmers' land without cease. In the name of security, farmers are gradually but deliberately being turned into a labour force, available for hire. In the name of the public interest, peasant farmers' living space is being constricted or even obliterated so a handful of businesspeople increase their wealth. In the name of progress, farmers are hoodwinked into handing over their right to a livelihood, giving up their life, their work, their identity, losing their self-respect as a community, as humans.<br />
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There is an absolute contradiction between what is written in the constitution and what occurs in reality. It is written that the highest sovereignty lies with the people, whereas in fact the state and people's sovereignty is under the control of big business. It is a fact that the government does not exist to serve the people, but is slave to the corporations. A state which was originally meant as a tool to regulate authority and to attain security for their population has instead become a tool to protect repression against that same population, and a tool for politicians and capitalists to plot how they can increase their hoarded wealth. In this village named Indonesia, thieves disguise themselves as distinguished guests, brashly giving orders to their hosts, to whom the earth's riches rightfully belong.<br />
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The people can no longer hope to find justice within the law, instead the law only provides justifications for violations of the very principles of justice. Nowadays the government announces the depletion of Indonesia's natural resources and the evictions of inhabitants who are seen as obstacles to capital's expansion, with policies that justify such actions, including amongst others:<br />
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1. Law 2 of 2012 (concerning provision of land for development and the public interest)<br />
2. Law 7 of 2012 (concerning social conflict management)<br />
3. Law 4 of 2009 (about mineral and coal mining)<br />
4. Law 17 of 2011 (about state intelligence)<br />
5. Planned legislation on national security<br />
6. Government Regulation 32 of 2011 (concerning the Master Plan for the Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesian Economic Development)<br />
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The history of Indonesia is a history of agrarian conflict which has endured since colonial times, and continues to the present day. Conflicts which remain unresolved or which are even deliberately cultivated to reinforce structures that benefit political and business elites. And then, as part of these conflicts, acts of violence emerge, by state security forces against the people, legitimised in the name of the law. When peasants and those defending the people's rights are prosecuted, terrorised, intimidated, arrested or shot, it is a clear example that the state prefers to solve its problems with violence. Meanwhile, the people who are standing in the way of capital's expansion are themselves labelled as violent, under the pretext that state security forces are merely maintaining security and stability (for capital). Another source of violence comes from those elements of society whose discourse supports that of the state and corporations, with their slogans about resistance, saying that resistance should be non-violent, meaning that the people do nothing in the face of the state's treachery. The actions which the people take in defending or reclaiming what is rightfully theirs is not violence. It is their struggle, just as in the colonial era people took up arms to fight for independence.<br />
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Agrarian conflicts are a sign that the people are not yet free and independent, and it is not just the people, but also a sign that the state's grounds for sovereignty no longer exist. Independence [merdeka] does not mean freedom without limits, and it is not opposed to co-operation. Independence means breaking away from dependency, being in control of our own decisions, and believing that we are able to rely on our own strengths.<br />
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The Forum for Communication between Agrarian Communities (FKMA) was conceived, formulated and formed by peasant farmers and other communities that have been victims of the collusion between the state and corporations to seize agrarian resources (living space). With the theme: Towards an Autonomous Grassroots Resistance, the second FKMA congress puts the people back to their rightful position above the state, and sees corporations under the state's control. Always alert to attempts to expropriate agrarian resources / the land market, the second FKMA congress resulted in the following points:<br />
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1. To resist all forms of oppression and injustice related to natural and agrarian resource management that spring from the abuses of corporations, the state and their various collaborations, such as:<br />
-Resist military training and testing of heavy weaponry by the army and iron sand mining in Kebumen.<br />
-Resist iron sand mining and the Javan Southern Link Road in Kulon Progo.<br />
-Resist iron sand mining and nuclear and thermal power stations in Bandungharjo and Balong, Jepara.<br />
-Resist limestone mining and cement factory in the Kendeng mountains at Pati.<br />
-Resist ground water privatisation by the Java Gas Development Project (PPGJ) in Kradenan, water privatisation by PT Gendhis Multi Manis in Bentolo and a cement factory in the Kendeng mountains at Blora.<br />
-Resist plans to mine iron sand in Wotgalih, and demand an end to mining along the southern coast at Lumajang.<br />
Demand the full restoration of Lapindo victims' rights, not just compensation for land and buildings and resisting Lapindo's drilling operations in Sidoarjo.<br />
-Resist eviction by the Bantul Regency Government under the pretext of prohibiting prostitution under local regulation 5/2007 in Parangtritis, Bantul.<br />
-Demand that PTPN VII Cinta Manis be disbanded and denounce the involvement of police, military and paramilitaries in the agrarian conflicts in Ogan Ilir, South Sumatra.<br />
-Resist the construction of an Aqua Danone factory and development of a geothermal project in Padarincang, Banten.<br />
-Resist sand mining in Ciamis and Tasikmalaya.<br />
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2. Call upon all elements of civil society to support grassroots movements aiming towards autonomy.<br />
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3. Force governments to stop criminalisation and set free peasants and fighters for the people's rights who have been imprisoned as part of agrarian conflicts.<br />
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4. Order the Indonesian president and his regime to give the people their rights to agrarian resources / living space.<br />
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5. Call upon corporations to stop all forms of expropriating / confiscating land which is the peoples' living space.<br />
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6. Strongly criticise the military and police's support for corporations and denounce violent acts taken by the police and military when dealing with social conflicts.<br />
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7. Order all state officials to not to make or revoke policies which would legitimate the expropriation of people's rights, especially the right to agrarian resources.<br />
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8. Criticise all forms of conspiracy between elements of society, such as NGOs, political parties, student movements, mass organisations, religious organisations, educational/academic institutions. media and suchlike which could weaken the struggle of grassroots movements to fight for agrarian justice. <br />
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9. Call for solidarity with groups whose rights have been expropriated throughout the world.<br />
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Yogyakarta, 10 February 2013<br />
1. Kelompok Tani BERDIKARI, Sumedang<br />
2. Urutsewu Bersatu, Kebumen<br />
3. Paguyuban Petani Lahan Pantai (PPLP), Kulon Progo<br />
4. Forum Silaturhmi Masyarakat Wotgalih (FOSWOT), Lumajang<br />
5. Forum Nelayan (FORNEL) dan Persatuan Masyarakat Balong (PMB) Jepara<br />
6. Serikat Petani Blora Selatan, Gerakan Rakyat Menggugat (GERAM) Blora<br />
7. Jaringan Masyarakat Peduli Pegunungan Kendeng (JMPPK) dan Sedulur Sikep, Pati<br />
8. Serikat Petani Indonesia (SPI) dan Front Pemuda Rengas (FPR) Ogan Ilir, Sumatera Selatan<br />
9. Aliansi Rakyat Menolak Penggusuran (ARMP), Parangtritis, Bantul<br />
10. Suara Korban Lumpur LAPINDO/AL-FAZ, Sidoarjo<br />
11. BALE RUHAYAT, Ciamis dan Tasikmalaya<br />
12. Gerakan Rakyat Anti Pembangunan Aqua Danone (GRAPAD), Banten<br />
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<i><span style="font-size: x-small;">Source:<a href="https://www.facebook.com/notes/forum-komunikasi-masyarakat-agraris/pernyataan-sikap-kongres-petani-otonom-ii-forum-komunikasi-masyarakat-agraris-fk/505852469465949"> FKMA Facebook page</a></span></i></div>
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<i><span style="font-size: x-small;">Also available in Indonesian at <a href="http://asimetris.noblogs.org/post/2013/02/11/pernyataan-sikap-kongres-petani-otonom-ii-10-februari-2013-forum-komunikasi-masyarakat-agraris-indonesia/%20">http://asimetris.noblogs.org/post/2013/02/11/pernyataan-sikap-kongres-petani-otonom-ii-10-februari-2013-forum-komunikasi-masyarakat-agraris-indonesia/ </a></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><i>Video of the first FKMA congress in December 2011 (in Indonesian) :</i></span></div>
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<i><span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span></i><a href="https://www.facebook.com/notes/forum-komunikasi-masyarakat-agraris/pernyataan-sikap-kongres-petani-otonom-ii-forum-komunikasi-masyarakat-agraris-fk/505852469465949"><br /></a></div>
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<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="360" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/xJ2hQ5_h5Wk?feature=player_detailpage" width="640"></iframe>kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-41722952126513686242013-02-07T00:56:00.001-08:002013-02-07T00:56:30.974-08:00Attacks by Earth Liberation FrontOur struggle can’t be limited under civilization terms. We out of it. We are wild and we are enemies of civilization. Not only the state and capital (in old terms of anarchism), but all the civilization: we are against it. <br /><br />We are the ones who proudly throw out the social peace, walk out from our comfort zones and carried an attack actions against what we hate. We are declaring war against civilization and it’s property and join in the international urban guerrilla warfare with all our brothers and sisters in Informal Anarchist Federation and International Revolutionary Front. <br /><br />We claim and take responsibility for arsons against car and shop belonging to the Vice Secretary of Demokrat in South Sumatera (winning party of 2009 general election), arsons against 4 ATMs in Makassar, and actions against two electrical substations during last week in Jakarta. <a name='more'></a><br />Our actions are dedicated to the farmers struggle in Ogan Kemilir Ilir, to the rebels in Papua: Buktar Tabuni and Dominikus Sorabut who are imprisoned by the Indonesian State, to the struggles against mining which spread and blossomed in south coast of Java, and to the natives in Kalimantan, Mentawai, Jambi and Papua. <br /><br />We also want to send our revolutionary greetings to Tukijo: brave and dignified farmer from Kulon Progo, to the NO TAV prisoners in Italia, to the ELF prisoners in USA, to Marco Camenisch and Gabriel Pombo da Silva and to all anarchist prisoners who never step down and bow under the law. <br /><br />Also to revolutionary organizations: Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF) and Epasnatatikos Agonas (EA) in Greece, all the sections and fractions of Earth Liberation Front (ELF) and Animal Liberation Front (ALF) around the world, to Individualidades Tendiendo a lo Salvaje (ITS) in Mexico and to all cells of Informal Anarchist Federation/International Revolutionary Front (FAI/IRF).<br /> <br /> To our comrades of International Conspiracy for Revenge: let’s burn down this misery and slavery! <br /><br /><i>Till the collapse of this civilization!<br /> Till to the total freedom and wild life! </i><br /><br /><b>Earth Liberation Front<br /> Indonesian Fraction</b><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Source: </span><a href="http://325.nostate.net/?p=6995" target="_blank">325</a></div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-33838046570111486912013-02-07T00:49:00.002-08:002013-02-07T00:49:36.767-08:00Solidarity Call for Ryo (1986-2012)<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgzTVEnGcbCy-OIlh9JKrbwAajmvM9U-WkWGy_f1EaVac2LdjXkzKPWmpZPghIyZjE1uhSp68cv4r5URaatiMAQ0Dxo-cbbZ-DRwzT1I_82x-LH4zQ79RH_qdv-qXR5RaQIWRBKKAIsLzI/s1600/Ryo.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgzTVEnGcbCy-OIlh9JKrbwAajmvM9U-WkWGy_f1EaVac2LdjXkzKPWmpZPghIyZjE1uhSp68cv4r5URaatiMAQ0Dxo-cbbZ-DRwzT1I_82x-LH4zQ79RH_qdv-qXR5RaQIWRBKKAIsLzI/s1600/Ryo.jpg" /></a></div>
February 5th, 2013 <br /><br />Here follows a letter from the ex-members of Negasi, about the murder of our comrade Ryo. They are making public a situation that has hit them. War against the existent. <br /><br />To all comrades, <br /><br />On 25th November 2012, we lost our comrade named Ryo. He was killed by a coward in the morning when trying to go back to his place after looking for breakfast. Ryo is a member of the first generation of <a href="http://negasi.noblogs.org/">NEGASI</a> and was active in counter-info projects, translation and publication to support the anti-authoritarian movement in Manado. <br /><br />Ryo also involved in local autonomous struggles in North Sulawesi. He took a position as a campaigner and published infos related to the struggles. Stubborn but humble and always being the first one who would care about his comrades problems. Ryo left a wife and a four years old son. <br />
<a name='more'></a><br />Right now, we need solidarity from comrades abroad for his wife and son. For us, wife and child of our comrade is also our comrades. And as a form of direct solidarity, we stand next to her. Right now, his wife faces serious health condition and has been some days in hospital. The social pressures, mostly from the local press related to the case are one reason why our comrade passes the nights in the hospital. <br /><br />On the other side, the trial against the killer is still running in the court. But, as we are anti-judicial, we are and will not respect and depend on the court to bring justice to our comrade. Our comrades life can’t be substituted by sending someone into jail because we against all the forms of prison. We always believe that justice can’t be given by the state where we are an enemy of it. We believe that the only justice is direct solidarity and collapse of the enemies. <br /><br />For solidarity letters and solidarity fund or further infos, you can send email to: <b>negasi [at] riseup [dot] net </b><br /><br /><i>Direct solidarity !!!<br /> Against justice belonging to the State !!!<br /> No prison !!! Only burn it !!!</i> <b>Ex-members of NEGASI</b><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-style: italic;">source: </span></span><a href="http://325.nostate.net/?p=7037" target="_blank">325</a><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-style: italic;"></span></span> <b><br /></b></div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-84129966432178792022013-01-28T07:44:00.001-08:002013-01-28T07:44:02.030-08:00Kulon Progo Farm or DieFaced with the threat of their land being taken from them and turned into a vast iron mine, 20 kilometres long, the farmers of Kulon Progo on Java's South Coast have resisted with cries of “Bertani atau Mati!” “We farm or we die!”. Farm or die is a compilation of articles and interviews reflecting their struggle. <br />
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If you want to read or download Farm or Die as a pdf you can do that <a href="http://www.mediafire.com/view/?qb8s4cwjplg4rop">here (to read online)</a> or <a href="http://www.mediafire.com/view/?w1h2wfoc83fkv21">here (to print)</a>. Otherwise, you can read a selection of the articles here: <br />
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<ul>
<li><a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2013/01/kulon-progo-farm-or-die-interview-with_28.html">Interview with Widodo</a>: A chilli farmer gives his views on the will farm, the struggle, solidarity and autonomy. </li>
<li><a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2013/01/this-is-timeline-from-when-farmers.html">Chronology of Struggle</a>: Some key moments in the struggle from 2007 to 2011 </li>
<li><a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2013/01/kulon-progo-farm-or-die-interview-with.html">Interview with Suratinem</a>: In 2011 Suratinem's husband Tukijo was abducted from his field by police, and sentenced to three years in prison. Suratinem tells her story. </li>
<li><a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2013/01/sg-and-pag-stowaway-of-yogyakarta.html">SG and PAG</a>: At the root of the land dispute is the local sultanate, who claim the Kulon Progo land despite the farmers clearly having land title. Feudalism may exist informally in other parts of Indonesia, but only here is it protected by law. <a name='more'></a></li>
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For a general background on the Kulon Progo struggle, see <a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2009/12/tale-of-sand.html">A Tale of Sand</a>, which we published in 2009. <br />
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There are also a few short films about the struggle:<br />
<iframe frameborder="0" height="460" src="https://www.engagemedia.org/Members/hidupbiasa/videos/warga-kulon-progo-tolak-tambang-besi/embed_view" width="630"></iframe><br />
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The company the farmers are up against is a joint venture between an Indonesian company (owned by the Sultan of Yogyakarta's family), and an Australian company Indomines. Recent news from this company is that a majority share has been bought by the Rajawali group, owned by Peter Sondakh, the eighth richest man in Indonesia. This company has been involved in diverse projects which have been met by community resistance, such as the <a href="http://www.banktrack.org/show/dodgydeals/toka_tindung_gold_mine#tab_dodgydeals_basics">Toka Tindung gold mine in North Sulawesi</a>, and the <a href="https://awasmifee.potager.org/?page_id=153">Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate in West Papua</a>. This is an ominous development for the Kulon Progo farmers, as Rajawali has become known for making large investments in new ventures and then pushing forward aggressively to make a profit. <br />
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Indeed at Toka Tindung, a controversial project had been making slow progress, very similar to the Kulon Progo project. But soon after Rajawali's investment, the company was able to start full production at the mine which is now threatening some of the most important land and marine environments on the planet. <br />
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Rajawali Group also happens to have the franchise for the Surfer's Paradise Marriott Hotel on Australia's Gold Coast. Of course this does not stop them from destroying a paradise for farmers on the south coast of Java, which surfers would surely also appreciate!!! <br />
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The next issue of Farm or Die should be out soon, focussing on other communities in struggle around Java which are connected to the Forum Komunikasi Masyarakat Agraria (Agrarian Community's Forum for Communication), a network of autonomous farmers' struggles from across Java and nearby provinces. <br />
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The Kulon Progo edition of Farm or Die has also been translated into French, and can be downloaded <a href="http://zinelibrary.info/cultiver-ou-mourir-0">here</a>. <br />
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<i>Read on: <a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2013/01/kulon-progo-farm-or-die-interview-with_28.html">Interview with Widodo</a></i></div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-90316201408809812792013-01-28T07:08:00.001-08:002013-01-28T07:08:40.522-08:00Kulon Progo Farm or Die: Interview with WidodoWidodo is one of the local farmers in Kulon Progo who decided when he was young to go abroad as an immigrant worker just as many other youths from rural Indonesia. However, ever since the southern shore of Kulon Progo became verdant and began to yield healthy and abundant crops again due to the determination and hard work of local people he and many other village youth returned home to help their families continue in the ancestral tradition; self-sustained farming. Widodo has joined thousands of others under the umbrella of PPLP to continue to struggle against the lust for power and greed of capitalist mining corporations. <br />
<a name='more'></a><br /><i>1. How do you feel about the state of the struggle of farmers in Kulon Progo today? </i><br />In general there are many things that we feel in this struggle. We have learned that the defence of our land is very important to our lives. So, when talking about the fight, the logic in learning s very important. The second is feeling depressed. Depressed because our lives are normally really good, peaceful and relaxing. However the state is providing a moral and physical pressure on us, about how we can only enjoy a life that we do not want. This, there is great benefit that we can take from the coastal community struggle in Kulon Progo. <br /><i><br />2. Do you feel that the PPLP (Society of the Farmers of Coastal Land) in Kulon Progo have adequate support and solidarity from other farmers in Indonesia and from other people in the world in the fight to reject iron sand mining?</i><br />
Relatively so, in fact we already have a lot of support from other farmers, but in our opinion it is still lacking. Our desire is that people realise the struggle in Kulon Progo is also the case of all farmers in Indonesia. We need to increase the awareness that other farmers may not have yet; that this is not only about Kulon Progo; many other farmers are experiencing this kind of struggle as well. But to say whether or not there is a lot of solidarity, we are still lacking support. Then for international solidarity, actually there is a lot of that too. We feel that international pressure is very important. It can greatly assist our movement here. However, we have not been satisfied because the struggle has not been 100% successful. So, everything is still not enough for solidarity, for both local farmers and international solidarity. <br /><br /><i>3. In your opinion, what is the cause of the lack of stronger support from local farmer movements for the struggle of farmers in West Progo or support from other groups? </i><br />There are many causes because I see that here in Indonesia it is not a kind of pure independent movement of farmers. I see that in every farmers' struggle there are other forces that actually want to control the movement. When we want networking, mutual solidarity, it's as if there is a tyrant that blocks the way. Whether it's nothing. I see that in the average movement, there is control, that's why I value the PPLP, I think no one person is in control. <br /><i><br />4. In your opinion, what is the most important thing for farmers to focus on in the struggle to resist the iron sand mining? </i><br />There are three things which are the basis for our struggle. First, the most important focus for us is to maintain our livelihood, planting and harvesting, because if we leave it, we are not farmers anymore, we lose our identity. That is the most important. The second is to focus on how we can get the news out that the struggle against oppression is going on. All people should know, everywhere, what is going on in the Kulon Progo case. The third thing we need to do in order to resist oppression and defend our rights is always to be in contact with the formal law. This requires a legal advocate. When we, for example manage to put together a case, lawyers can play an important role. Although I have no doubt, even a good lawyer could still lose. <br /><i> </i><br />
<i>5. how do you think the problem of iron sand mining project will affect future generations of farmers? </i><br />I think it will be extremely influential. Not only for future generations of farmers. But it is also very influential in all matters of life on the coast here, because it would change everything. Today we have a good farm. We can all get together: we can interact with fellow farmers. We are realizing a harmonious life. The social life for that is good. But if the mine is in operation everything will be destroyed. It will undermine all aspects of social life and other aspects of life. In order to protect this, we always say that this case is our case together, the entire community. so, from the older to the younger generation, even children, today and forever have to learn how to sustain our lives. Regeneration issues etc, we still will educate them from nature. We need to be able to teach them that local, independent agriculture is essential to life because it does not destroy nature, doesn't destroy the environment and so on. <br /><i><br />6. Can you tell us a little about the potential threat of the iron sand mining project on the environment? </i><br />Well it's a great deal. And in fact it is common for the people not to know this. It's a beach, if the mine is operating clearly coastal ecosystems will be damaged. We do not know when there will be natural disasters such as hurricanes, large ocean waves, tsunamis or earthquakes. What will happen when these ecosystems are destroyed? The function of them is to sustain life activities and can reduce the damage from natural disasters. We live here and it's protected by nature. When nature is destroyed, who will protect life on the beach and this earth? That's about the destruction of the environment. More social destruction, as I mentioned earlier, especially destruction of the local economy. With the coming of investors there is certainly big money. It's going to be the indigenous people here that would be displaced by it all. Because investors do not even think about social life, they only think about how quickly their investment would grow and benefit as much as possible. They think like that. It's what we call capitalism. <br /><i><br />7. This has been a long struggle, has already gone on, in fact, for 7 years. do you feel that the people's struggle will continue for years to come? </i><br />I believe it will be all the way. Because I love my land, I think that my land is my life. And I think all of the coastal people think like that too. So, when this land is dredged for example, it means the same as if we gave our lives away to others. The lives of farmers will be handed over to the mining companies. So we believe that the struggle to reject the iron sand mine will keep gong, until whenever, until whenever! <br /><i><br />8. Why do you think or believe the farmers are so ready and willing to fight for this land? What does the land mean to local farmers in West Progo? </i><br />This is a very basic question. The explanation is very wide in my opinion. Because our land is our life, as I said earlier. This life cannot be exchanged for anything. Moreover, material that is promised by investors and the government will not be able to give us prosperity, that's clear. Now when we talk about the land, then we also talk about life. When we talk about life, everything that is social, cultural, environmental, all are related to each other. That is, we can also say that our peace and prosperity cannot be measured by anything. Moreover, the calculation of being prosperous is according to this country's version or the rich people's. It could not be for the regular citizens. Even if every day we are told to just keep playing, go anywhere. We already feel peace with this life, even though our version of wealth doesn't meet their standards. <br /><i><br />9. You stated that you didn't believe that investments could provide prosperity to the people. aren't there many people who believe that the investments will bring prosperity, bring economic abundance? Why do you not believe in it? </i><br />Who says? Whose version of the story is that? I want to know. Who can say that? Surely only the people who rule, the mining employers and the people who kiss the ass of the rulers, the investors and the businessmen. They are not independent life fighters. Where's the mine that could help the little people like me prosper? There aren't any. Moreover, talking about the country, what do they actually do? They just make up rules and laws; imprison people who are struggling, like Tukijo. There's no possible way it could benefit us. So, people who talk like that are just gullible. There has never been any evidence that when a place is mined it continues to be prosperous for the local people. Freeport is said to always be prosperous, but the reality is not like that. Yes it made the corporate owners prosperous, those who already have money, who have a high position in the company. They are prosperous. People who owned the land there were edged out. And we do not want to be like that. We want independence on our own land. I have more confidence when cultivate my own land because it is more concrete. no need to use 'this or that' rule, which is stuck in a theory. The point is that our lives have been prosperous and secure. Just today, the authorities and financiers want to evict us. But, we will stay and fight all the way. It doesn't just end there. In fact, when I was to Lumajang, East Java, the coastal farmers were already prosperous and safe there. They've been able to find a way of life according to their own model and in accordance with the well-being that they want and expect. But then again their lives were also about to be damaged by the state and investors. That's an example that I have actually seen for myself. Another example is in Kebumen, there were coastal farmers that lived independently farming. But there the TNI (Indonesian Army) one-sidedly claimed that the land is military territory. Yet it is clear that the land is public land for the use of the people, it had already been certified. That's the funny and weird thing. So that's why I never believed in the so-called 'country' or 'state', because it is usually only to protect investors rather than protecting the community or people. In addition there are many more issues, as in Porong, the Sidoarjo mudflow, a good example of a case that put people into misery and poverty. That was the act of corporate investors, why should we be deceived. There are already too many examples and we do not like them. No, we will remain like this, farming and fighting. <br /><i><br />10. we know that the Sultanate of Yogyakarta and Pakualaman have an interest in this iron sand mining project because in addition to royal family members having an important position in the company of PT JMI (Jogja Magasa International) they are also part of the shareholders. On one hand, many people believe that the job of the palace is to protect society and uphold justice. But that image is contrary to the evidence of their involvement in the iron sand mining that would displace thousands of farmers on the Kulonprogo coast. What is your view on this? </i><br />What's the palace? It's an institution that does not say anything clearly n my opinion. When they speak about culture, they say whatever they want but we have to face the fact that the palace is merely a symbol to cover for a collapsing and outdated institution. Many people still see the palace as a symbol of an open and just empire but it only serves to try to conceal the rotting truth. The reality is that the palace and the people within clearly want to evict the residents of Kulon Progo from their land. People who are their own people they once swore to protect. For us, it's just more hard evidence that their power is only used as an exploitative tool. When they try to claim it's for distributing prosperity fairly among the people. Ah... I never believe it. <br /><br /><i>11. Can you tell me the forms or processes of the coastal farmers' struggle in Kulon Progo incorporated in PPLP that have been carried out for the last 7 years? </i><br />There have been a lot. Even I forget how many times the farmers have protested against the government. We have taken to the streets with demonstrations demanding government agencies at least listen to our protests, to the voices of the people. But yes, to this day they still insist on continuing with the mines. For example, we have already done several rallies in the Kulon Progo district directed at the government, in the regency, in front of the government of Yogyakarta. Once we went to the House of Representatives as well. Then as far as correspondence, I also forget how many times we wrote to them and even wrote to the president some 2-3 times. We'll never know whether the letters were just dismissed, used for food wrapping. I also believe the president doesn't care to read a letter from a farmer. It's proof that today cannot depend on the legal process to help us; it's all theory. I can talk like this because I've proven myself, however many times we've written letters, made legal actions, talked to te government it was all nonsense. They promise it, but the reality does not exist, even the house of Representatives... yes, I've been there maybe 5 times, they just make empty promises. Even when they have come here (to Kulon Progo), rather than to see the fate of their people, the House of Representatives Committee actually came to see how well it could be mined, not to defend the interests of society. So we do not believe in the formal legal system struggle, because it does not work, we've all tried. Moreover, I think the intentions of NGOs is not clear because what I saw was they did not support our rejection of mining, but instead they offered to negotiate a “win-win solution”, a “win-win” for the country and investors which is not beneficial for our society. So we can never really trust them. And there is evidence that NGOs have failed many other farmers who struggle in Indonesia. If it has claimed to have been successful it was false because, farmers cannot be completely independent to manage their own lives. <br /><br /><i>12. The last question, what are the best things to do, both for existing farmers in Kulon Progo, and the movements of people in general that are still struggling against oppression? </i><br />That's actually a simple answer in terms of words. We should never leave our fate to others. What determines our destiny is our own, nobody, not parliament, not the bureaucrats, not politicians, especially not NGOs. We will not allow it to be given to them. Our struggle is ours alone. We share it with everyone, we are very open, because the interests of campaign issues that occur. But for the decision-making, it lies within the community. This is not just for farmers' movements, but also very important for all movements, of the labor movement to other movements. Completions of agrarian cases in Indonesia are mostly left to the politicians and NGOs, who typically have ruined it. We are fighting independently. And the importance of three things I mentioned in our conversation earlier, building society strength on the base level, we must realize that this struggle is ours. The second, how do we build a network with friends who actually care and really want to have to think together for the benefit of the people? We opened the campaign network outside faucets so that this case would not be localised, that this case is a case of us all. That is the importance of why we must build a strong network. But we must be aware, not to let these “network connectors” becoming a “broker”. We simply need to use our logic and common sense to analyse the purpose of people that go into a conflict area. The third thing is, we need advocates, who when we come into contact with the law can back us up. so that our people who got trapped into a law case could feel more content, even though big possibility is perhaps we still going to lose the case through lawsuit anyway. If we want to win, we have to use traditional law and our own law between farmers to solve problem with anyone. <br /><br /><i>13. Any final words of encouragement? </i><br />This struggle is our struggle. We will never give it over to anyone else, and we will continue to refuse iron ore mining whatever it takes and until whenever.<br />
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<i>Next: <a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2013/01/this-is-timeline-from-when-farmers.html">Chronology of Struggle</a></i> </div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-9189458490435841402013-01-28T06:58:00.002-08:002013-01-28T06:59:27.414-08:00Kulon Progo Farm or Die: Chronology of StruggleThis is a timeline from when the farmers first learn of the plans to mine the area of Kulon Progo, located along the Southern coast of the island of Java, near Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The farmers and local citizens continue to struggle to this day against the corrupt and greedy mining that threatens to destroy their land and livelihood. <br />
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<h3>
2007</h3>
<b><br />1 April 2007 </b><br />
Farmers in villages Trisi, Kulon Progo, Banaran, Coral Sewu, Bugel, Pleret, Garongan and Coral Wuni hold the first ever meeting concerning the iron ore mining. All of them outright reject the mining and form the PPLP (Society of Farmer's Coastal Land). <br />
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<b>1 May 2007 </b><br />
Farmers from 10 villages of 4 districts, and thousands more, rally on International Worker's Day to protest in front of the Governor of Yogyakarta's home. <br />
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<b>10 May 2007</b><br />
PPLP Conduct a press conference refusing the iron mining. Meanwhile the planned exploitation of the land primarily funded by 2 foreign companies gets approval without consulting or informing the local communities. <br />
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<b>21 May 2007 </b><br />
Large rally and parade held going from village to village protesting the iron mining, speeches and protests are held along the way. <br />
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<b>24 May 2007 </b><br />
Corporate representatives for the mining companies attempt to hold a presentation in Karnag Wuni to sell the residents on why the mining is good for the community. The representatives and their premise are rejected. The representatives leave before concluding their presentation. <br />
<b><br />14 June 2007 </b><br />
PT JMI publicly state plans for iron ore mining. State plans to exploit up to 1 million tons per year. <br />
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<b>18 June 2007 </b><br />
PPLP begin consultation with legal aid in order to battle the mining that will strip them of their land and livelihood. <br />
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<b>12 July 2007 </b><br />
Kulon Progo Vice Regent DRS H Mulyono states the only thing that could cancel the mining is a negative environmental analysis. That farmer's wishes or protest will have no impact on a decision to continue with plans for mining. Also states they will go ahead with the plan of 30 million tons of deposit being exploited in the coming 30 years. <br />
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<b>17 July 2007 </b><br />
PhD candidate Bambang Suwignyo states the mining will have irreversible and extreme effects on the land and on local farming. Because of the loss of iron in the soil farmers will be unable to continue growing produce there. <br />
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<b>21 July 2007 </b><br />
Parliament forms a special community to suspend the process of addressing the mining rejection letter presented by PPLP. <br />
<b><br />23 August 2007 </b><br />
Thousands of members of PPLP and concerned citizens who support the anti-mining movement march to the district government office in Wates. The PPLP asks that the local government revoke permission to mine on farmers' land. The police blockade them and the protest quickly becomes a violent clash between armed police and citizens. Several hundred citizens are injured. <br />
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<b>26 August 2007</b><br />
The Indonesian Human Rights Commission contacts the Governor of Yogyakarta. Request information concerning the iron mines including detailed reports of the effect of said mining over the next 30 years and beyond on citizens who are currently farming and living in areas potentially affected. <br />
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<b>30 November 2007</b><br />
PPLP review iron mining plans. They reject all proposals. <br />
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<b>26 December 2007 </b><br />
Villagers in Trisik are manipulated and bullied into conceding land to the JT JMI Pilot Project. <br />
<h3>
2008</h3>
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<b>1 March 2008 </b><br />
In the coastal village of Bugel citizens blockade the street leading to Bugel Beach with bamboo and other roadblocks to prevent mining trucks from passing through the area as well as posting notification that the mining trucks do not have permission to use the road. <br />
<b><br />3-6 June 2008 </b><br />
National Human Rights Commission has conducted and investigation and examination of iron sands mining project planned in Yogyakarta Kulonprogo. Monitoring of National Human Rights Commission produced several recommendations that explains that based on the data, project information and the facts, iron sand mining in Kulonprogo is a potential violation of human rights, in particular 1)land rights 2) the right to work, 3) the right to security, 4) the right to information, and 5) the rights of the farmers. <br />
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<b>21 June 2008 </b><br />
3000+ citizens demonstrate at the University of Gadjah Mada (UGM) in Yogyakarta to protest the close involvement of the Faculty of Forestry of UGM with PT JMI in the biased study of post-mining reclamation. <br />
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<b>28 July 2008</b><br />
Minister for the Environment releases a statement saying that they will not issue permission for mining until PT JMI presents an Environmental Impact Analysis (EIA). <br />
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<b>1 August 2008</b><br />
The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) recommends that the president of Indonesia review the draft contract for the Kulon Progo iron mining. The review must consider the whole dimension of human rights, including economic, social, cultural, political rights. <br />
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<b>23 October 2008</b><br />
Residents of 6 villages protest against the pilot project permits issued by the regent. On the same day the Regent revokes statements made to the media about the positive response of the central government towards the iron mining plans in Kulon Progo. The protest occupies the grounds of Parliament, eventually forcing their way inside and occupying the building. <br />
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<b>25 October 2008</b><br />
Occupation of the Parliament building by locals ends in no resolution and disappointment for the farmers. Citizens return home to farm their land. <br />
<b><br />27 October 2008 </b><br />
300 hired thugs escorted by local police invade the local villages, going from village to village destroying and burning down posts (resting<br />
places for farmers spread intermittently among the fields so they can rest in the shade when exhausted) as well as 1 home and 1 shop. Police deny assisting in or allowing the destruction to happen. This was done in an attempt to force the villagers into fighting and following the perpetrators off the land so they (the farmers) would be arrested. <br />
<br />
<b>17 November 2008</b><br />
Reports of crops failing near the Pilot Project begin. <br />
<br />
<b>21 November 2008</b><br />
Road blockades erected to again prevent mining vehicles to pass. <br />
<h3>
2009</h3>
<br />
<b>18 January 2009 </b><br />
Locals begin to rebuild from the destruction committed. Each post rebuild can cost as much as 1 month's wages for a local farmer. <br />
<br />
<b>17 March 2009 </b><br />
Citizens block the highway in village Daendels to prevent the visitation of the Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries. <br />
<b><br />25 March 2009 </b><br />
PPLP send a letter detailing complete information of the mining project as well as the complaints of the farmers to the president of Indonesia as well as several ministers. (They receive no reply). <br />
<b><br />30 March 2009 </b><br />
The Sultan of Yogyakarta makes a public announcement that the iron-mining project has been realised. <br />
<br />
<b>21 July 2009</b><br />
Thousands of citizens protest the lack of action on the part of the police about the arson and destruction committed by hired thugs in October 2008. <br />
<b><br />31 July 2009</b><br />
PPLP and other local farmers again submit in full detail their reasons for rejecting the mining on their land. They once again outline the negative impacts economic, agricultural, cultural, and social. <br />
<br />
<b>9 -20 August 2009</b><br />
People post bulletin boards and signs all over the various villages detailing the corruption, the mining plans, and the reasons for rejecting said mining. <br />
<br />
<b>24 August 2009 </b><br />
The Environmental Impact Analysis (EIA) begins in the Kulon Progo area. Residents march the streets with signs and banners that read, “30 Years of the fate of coastal residents s at stake. EIA Team Work with professionalism and objectivity.” <br />
<br />
<b>20 October 2009 </b><br />
PPLP and other citizens gather at the Regency government office in Wates. There has been arranged a meeting between the farmers, the government and the mining company. Although many farmers held an official invitation to meeting most are denied entry, some because of affiliation with PPLP. Meanwhile large masses of citizens are facing a police barricade outside and denied entry. 11 hours into the meeting there was a clash between Police and unarmed farmers and local citizens. The police shoved with their shields but farmers continued to fight back with their bare hands. The police began wildly opening fire. People picked up rocks and hurled them at the police. Police fired tear gas repeatedly into the crowd. The local citizens were forced back into the street by the tear gas but the pole continued to fire even as people retreated <br />
<b><br />10 November 2009 </b><br />
Farmers again protest in Jogjakarta against the corruptibility of the government and of the mining project. <br />
<br />
<b>18 November 2009 </b><br />
5 government experts in law, development, economics and finance, governance and social and human resources study the iron-mining projects. One of the experts, Musodo, states the mining will completely wipe out the livelihood of local people, creating massive unemployment across the board. <br />
<b><br />2 December 2009 </b><br />
Tukijo is accused of defamation against the mining company for requesting along with farmers in Bedoyo village data and information about the land and questioning whether or not there is manipulation of the data carried. <br />
<b><br />10 December 2009 </b><br />
PPLP and other local citizens celebrate Human Rights Day by protesting. Signs including ones stating “People will not cease to fight, we still reject the mines” and dozens like it are erected throughout the Kulon Progo villages. <br />
<b><br />29 December 2009 </b><br />
PPLP and citizens march to Kulon Progo parliament building. They demand the elimination of the Special Committee Kulon Progo for mining. <br />
<h3>
2010-2011 </h3>
<br />
<b>April 2010 </b><br />
Residents send a letter rejecting the iron-ore mining plan to the President of Indonesia <br />
<b><br />May 2010</b><br />
Residents sent a letter to Parliament that requires Parliament of Yogyakarta to investigate allegations of scandal in the legislative drafting process. <br />
<b><br />15 December 2010 </b><br />
Action Rally against iron sand mining coincides with the assessment of the EIA documents. <br />
<b><br />16 December 2010</b><br />
Direct action to stop people disturbing the public actions carried out by unscrupulous government officials without the permission of residents. <br />
<br />
<b>17 December 2010 </b><br />
Action of the people and farmers in Gupit to close the mining pilot Project after 3 years of operation without heeding the interests of the environment. <br />
<b><br />9 February 2011 </b><br />
Mediation by the National Human Rights Commission in the village of Bugel, make a recommendation for context mediation to assess the interests of all partied involved. <br />
<b><br />1 May 2011 </b><br />
Tukijo kidnapped by local police. (See Timeline later in this zine for more information about Tukijo) <br />
<b><br />13 July 2012 </b><br />
Though this concludes this particular timeline, the struggle continues to this day, with ongoing legal action, protests and community projects both against the mining and illegal detainment of fellow farmer Tukijo.<br />
<div style="text-align: right;">
<span style="font-style: italic;">Next: <a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2013/01/kulon-progo-farm-or-die-interview-with.html">Interview with Suratinem.</a></span> </div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-61929863473368919112013-01-28T06:34:00.001-08:002013-01-28T06:34:35.174-08:00Kulon Progo Farm or Die: Interview with SuratinemTukijo's wife (Suratinem) has now been working their land on her own for over a year while her husband sits in prison as unjust punishment for speaking out against corporate greed and corruption. At the time of this interview, Tukijo remains unfairly imprisoned. His wife is without the daily company, presence, help and support of her husband.<br />
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<i>1. When you first realized Tukijo was missing, what did you think could have happened to him?</i><br />
At the time Tukijo asked me to water the plants (on our farm). So i watered them. Then I asked him if he could finish the watering because my hands hurt and he said yes. When I was almost finished I began to wonder why he had not shown up yet. I began looking around for him, and he wasn't anywhere he usually would be. Then I asked Kinteng's wife (Dwi) if she had seen him, she said he might be at the pool. And then Dwi called Mr.Cokro who was at the pool, but he replied that Tukijo wasn't there. Then Dwi called Tukijo directly, asking; “Where have you been? Your wife is looking for you” And he said "the police took me away and are bringing me to the Yogyakarta Police Headquarters." Hearing the news I panicked. Dwi and I asked Tukijo, "Why are the police taking you to Police Headquarters? What's the problem?" But my husband answered that he didn't know, at first he was just asked to enter the car to chat, but apparently got abducted by the police. At the time I had all sorts of thoughts, at the moment my family had so many debts. I keep thinking, if my husband is imprisoned, can I still continue paying those debts? My mind just got mixed up, confused. Think about what it would be like if your family suddenly disappeared, being left with pile of debts, and all of a sudden having to survive alone. And I have no other job. I only earn my living from our farm. This became an immediate burden in my life. Thinking that I'm alone, with no one to help. Usually my husband is always there. But yeah, hopefully I can pay my debt, because the debt is correlated to the government. If I cannot pay it, then I would be subject to sanctions.<br />
<br />
<i>2.When you finally received word that the police had kidnapped him, what was your reaction?</i><br />
At the moment I thought about the possibility of my husband's being imprisoned. I thought so. So it means I have to work everything by myself, think by myself, without him, no one to help anymore. My son has newly married. It means my child is also unable to help, because he has this new responsibility to take care of his own family.<br />
<br />
<i>3.How do you feel now, one year later without Tukijo being at home? And how about those works in the field?</i><br />
Ya, I'm just working and managing it all by myself. I do the plant spraying on my own, but I have to pay other workers to help me preparing the soil before planting anything. Other tasks in the field that I can do alone I do. I have to be able to do it. This is just because the condition is forcing me to.<br />
<br />
<i> 4. The condition seems hard for you and your family. How is your mental condition? </i><br />
However hard this condition is, God willing I can handle it. Because family and all is debt is also part of my responsibilities. So, even when my husband is unable to help, I should still do it.<br />
<br />
<i>5.How do you feel about the corporate iron ore mining? Have your feelings change since Tukijo has been in prison?</i><br />
I still refuse it! They shouldn't mine. They still shouldn't. Since the beginning I have felt this way. Because it's our only way to make a living, feed ourselves; for my family and for all the farmers on those coastal beaches.<br />
<br />
<i>6. Have the local farmers supported and helped you and your family since your family's struggle began? Is there still many farmers that support you and give you spirit? </i><br />
Until now, ya there is still many other farmers who support us, many try to push me to be able to get through this. Whether helping with thinking, time, money, manpower... They still do, until now.<br />
<br />
<i> 7.After Tukijo was sentenced as guilty by Wates State Court, Kulon Progo residents were trying to prove that Tukijo is innocent and went to the 1st court of appeals but the attempt has failed. The higher court still decided that Tukijo is guilty. What is your point of view about the law? </i><br />
Ya I felt very hurt, because my husband has been sentenced for a very long time. While the corrupt government's officials only got a few months. My husband is a common farmer, why should he be sentenced for so long? If he's guilty, he's guilty for what? His intention was only helping a passerby (JMI's pilot project workers), so that those people could be saved from getting beaten up by masses (because there's a no trespassing agreement between the mining company's people and the farmers). But afterwards, my husband is the one who was victimized, his family also. If he got imprisoned because he was stealing or beating up people, I would understand, but in this case he was innocent, he was defending a trespasser. But I think he got imprisoned not because of what courts said, he got imprisoned because there's so many people from the mining company that hate him for being outspoken, they don't like what he is struggling for. They don't like that he is actively resisting the iron ore mining.<br />
<br />
<i>8.How long has Tukijo been imprisoned? </i><br />
More than one year. In May(2012), it was exactly one year... now its been one year and two months.<br />
<br />
<i>9.To your knowledge, what is Tukijo feeling and point of view now while he is in prison? </i><br />
Does he still have the same spirit?
What I know, he still has spirit, he still resists the iron ore mining. He's like that, even now when he is imprisoned, he's still thinking about our people who are struggling against the mining. How are their spirit, how is the support for them, and he is hoping that the seashore farmers will continue to resist the oppression and always defend their land.<br />
<br />
<i> 10.What are your expectations in the future?</i><br />
I hope, and pray that my husband's problem can be over soon. And that he can get released from the prison. And everything can get back to normal, working like before. I hope the mining company leaves, and the people can feel at peace on their land again.<br />
<br />
***Interviewer's note*** we cut short the interview with Ibu Suratinem because after a few minutes she became very emotional. This has been a travesty for her family and we hope, as all the members of PPLP and the people of Kulon Progo that Tukijo can return to his family as soon as possible.<br />
<div style="text-align: right;">
<i>Next: <a href="http://hidupbiasa.blogspot.com/2013/01/sg-and-pag-stowaway-of-yogyakarta.html">SG and PAG</a></i><br /> </div>
kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-14075774889651542952013-01-28T06:24:00.001-08:002013-01-28T06:25:32.747-08:00Kulon Progo Farm or Die: SG and PAG, The Stowaway of Yogyakarta Special State Planning ActAll this time, arguments over Yogyakarta's Special State status has been too focused on deciding who should be the rightful Governor and Vice Governor. The issue, in my opinion, is too confined. Because the thing that more characterizes the feudalism of Special Region of Yogyakarta (Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta/DIY), is the existence of million hectares of the imperial land in this province, known as Sultanate Ground (Sultanaat Gronden/SG) and Pakualamanaat Ground(Pakualamanaat Gronden/PAG).<br />
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SG and PAG in DIY are really large streches of land, because based on the Empire's Paper of the Sultanate(Rijksblad Kasultanan) No. 16/1918 and Rijksblad Kadipaten No.18/1918, all the land in which ownership (eigendom) cannot be proven as belonging to someone else is automatically owned by the sultanate and the resident governor.<br />
<br />
Thousands of acres of SG in DIY is now concentrated in Yogyakarta, Bantul and Sleman (Kabare, Juli 2007, page 14-15). Beside SG, there's also PAG, and that land is concentrated in Kulon Progo. Both of the lands are the income source of those two Palaces, beside their shares in Hotel Ambarukmo, Ambarukmo Plaza, Saphire Square, and Merapi golf court.<br />
<br />
The management of the palace land is under jurisdiction of Paniti Kismo's office, which is directed by GBPH Hadiwinoto, the Sultan Hamengkubuwono X's younger brother, the honorific Penghageng Kawedan Hageng Wahono Sarto Kriyo.(1)<br />
<br />
The legalisation of SG and PAG is done through the Yogyakarta Special State Planning Act, and it has been emphasized many times by the Sultan HB X.(2)<br />
<br />
<h3>
The Business assets:</h3>
<br />
Similiar with imperial families in Europe, the SG and PAG land parcels become a business capital – and social activity – for most of the Sultan Hamengku Bowono X and Paku Alam X big family members. Between the Sultan's younger brother and sister, the one that stands out most is GBPH Prabukusumo. He is the head director of PT Karka Adisatya Mataram, one of the biggest outdoor advertisment companies in Yogyakarta, and the Main Comissary of JogjaTV.(3)<br />
<br />
The oldes daugheter of Sri Sultan, Gusti Kanjeng Ratu/GKR (The Great Queen) Pembayun, is the most active in taking advantage of the imperial land inherited by the Giyanti Agreement in 1755. Beside owning sugar factory (Madukismo), she directs a cigarette factory labelled Inner Palace(Kraton Dalem) which has it's own tobacco farm in Ganjuran, Bantul; she also has a silk worm farm PT Yarsilk Gora Mahottama in Karangtengah village, Imogiri district, Bantul; and also a shrimp farm PT Indokor Bangun Desa in Kuwaru village, Bantul.(4)<br />
<br />
But the “diamond in the crown” of the business kingdom of the palace's family is the iron sand mining company; PT Jogja Magasa Mining (JMM) in Kulon Progo. In the company, Gusti Pembayun and her uncle, GBPH Joyokusumo, are the commissaries, while the Main Director position is held by BRM Hario Seno from Puri Pakualaman.(5)<br />
<br />
This company merged with Indo Mines Ltd. From Perth, West Australia, and become PT Jogja Magasa Iron (JMI). They plan to mine the iron sand of the Kulon Progo seashore, in an area of 22 kilometers, and then process it to be pig iron and export it to Australia. Not long afterwards, the Sultan stated that he wants to be a candidate for the country's president, and PT JMI sign the working contract for the iron sand mining in Bugel seashore, Kulon Progo, for 30 years.(6)<br />
<br />
Ever since, the struggle of Kulon Progo seashore people that is organized via PPLP(Paguyuban Petani Kulon Progo/Kulon Progo Sea Shore Collective) has increased in intensity. 21 June 2009, for example as many as 38 trucks carrying 5000 seashore farmers of Kulon Progo travelled to Gadjah Mada University (UGM) to protest that UGM forestry and social-political researchers had sided with the mining company and recommended the land reclamation by the mining corporation.<br />
<br />
Rather than researching revolutionary farming techniques that have been implemented by Kulon Progo seashore farmers, who have successfully transformed the black beach sand into a fertile land to farm chilli and various other crops, those researchers from UGM accepted the mining plan as if it were an inevitability, despite the fact that the merge-project of Indo-Australia is against the environmental and space design law of Kulon Progo resident.<br />
<br />
Besides, the mining plan in Kulon Progo also shows how big is the dependence of the Jogjakarta palace's family business to their feudal lands, which supposedly erased already, if the royal family members honor the UUPA (Main Agrarian Act) 1960 made by Sultan Hamengku Buwono IX (the father of the current Sultan), in 24 September 1984. Instead of doing land reform agenda that was planned by the UUPA 1960, the controversial SG and PAG is trying to be legalized with slipping it in Yogyakarta's Special State Planning Act.(7)<br />
<br />
That's why, all of the fraction in the Republic of Indonesia House of Representatives who are debating about Yogyakarta's Special State Planning Act passage per passage, better not only being focused on the mechanism of changing the Governor and it's Vice, but rather more focusing on the implications of legalizing million hectares of this swapraja land.**<br />
<br />
<i>-George Junus Aditjondro<br /><br />- - - - - <br />George Junus Aditjondro has been researching about agricultural reform issues since being involved in establishing Sekretariat Bina Desa in the 1980's. This article was previously published in Sinar Harapan, 31 January 2011<br /><br />Sources :<br /><br />1.Kabare, July 2006, page 60-62<br />2.Kabare, July 2007, page 13<br />3.Kabare, July 2005, page 25<br />4.Kompas, 11/8/2003 ; Kabare, June 2006, page 24 ; Agrina, 14/4/2008 ; Bemas Cyber News, 1/8/2008 ; Jawa Pos, 30/7/2009<br />5.Akte Pendirian/ Establishment Letter, PT JMM, 6 October 2005<br />6.Koran Tempo, 12/11/2008<br />7.See Article 12 chapter VIII of the Yogyakarta Special State Planning Act</i>kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1417210802997643074.post-70651566454048514632013-01-26T11:26:00.002-08:002013-01-26T11:26:52.339-08:00Islands of Autonomy - social centres in Indonesia and the Philippines.A collection of interviews with six autonomous spaces in Indonesia and
the Philippines. The interviews were conducted at the start of 2011, and
although the zine has existed for some time, it has unfortunately not
been published online until now. Although in the two years that have
passed, a few of these spaces have ceased to exist, hopefully it's still
interesting to read people's experiences of creating autonomous
communities in different contexts.<br />
<br />
Interviews are with Institut A in Jakarta, Dandelion in Bandung, Gerbong Revolusi in Kulon Progo, Lino Nipi in Makassar, and - in the Philippines - Etniko Bandido in Manila and Kinayahan Unahon in Davao City.<br />
<br />
Islands of Autonomy can be downloaded <a href="http://zinelibrary.info/files/islands%20of%20autonomy.pdf">here</a>.kassanhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15892336479557480178noreply@blogger.com0